With evidence from the Kazakh (Zheti Zhargy) and Mongolian (Ikh Tsaaz, Tsaajin Bichiq) codes, the article analyzes legislative and cultural relations between the Mongolian and Kazakh nomadic communities. The paper reveals similarities between the Kazakh and Oirat codes which is due to identical economic conditions of nomadic lifestyle characteristic for Kazakhs, Oirats, Kalmyks, and Khalkha Mongols, even though the Kazakhs had experienced influence of Islam while the Oirats, Kalmyks and Khalkha Mongols professed Lamaist (Tibetan) Buddhism. Still, there were a number of distinct features, since Zheti Zhargy contained some regulations of Islamic law - Sharia - such as, e. g., measures for the protection of Islam and, thus, provisions establishing penalties for blasphemy and conversion to Christianity, which were not to be seen in the mentioned legislative acts of Mongols and Kalmyks of Dzungaria and the Volga Region. The relations between Kazakhs and Dzungar Oirats, Khalkha Mongols and Kalmyks were not reduced to wars only, there were cultural contacts in the forms of diplomatic practices and dynastic marriages of the national nobilities, including multiple similarities of Kazakh (Zheti Zhargy), Oirat-Kalmyk (Ikh Tsaaz) and Khalkha Mongolian (Tsaajin Bichiq) legislative acts. With a certain degree of certainty, the paper testifies of a more ‘democratic’ character of Zheti Zhargy as compared to Ikh Tsaaz and Tsaajin Bichiq in terms of rights and liberties of all social groups of the nomads. Still, it is impossible to depict the history of Kazakhs without relations with Mongolian peoples - Oirats, Kalmyks, and Khalkha Mongols, whatever questionable those might be, which is again confirmed by the exploration of the mentioned codes. As a result, the works of the 17th-early 18th cc. Central Asian legislators help us understand and evaluate the steppe world they emerged from, and their authors seem closer and clearer to modern society.

The article attempts to provide a brief introduction to the history of images of Russia and Russians in Mongolia, reveal the sources of Russia’s stable prestige, and examine the current state of relations between the nighboring nations with evidence from historical studies and opinion polls. The available studies testify that due to rare and short-lived mutual contacts before the mid-19th century the image of Russians in Mongolia had been ambiguous enough. Still, from then onwards, i.e. after the Russian Consular Agency was opened in Urga and some commercial activities initiated by Russians in Mongolia, the situation started changing. The paper shows that the Mongolian generalized image of Russians has been compiled through the diverse circustances as follows: 1) Mongolia and Russia have sustained good neighborly relations for centuries; 2) another essential favorable factor is that Russia’s plans towards Mongolia never contained any annexation-of-teritory elements which contributed to the image of Russia as Mongolia’s protector state, Russians thus acting as friendly neighbors; 3) it is through Russia that Mongolia was able to become familiar with European culture which also contributed to ‘Russia’s prestige’; the international relations rose to the new level after Mongolia gained independence from the Qing Empire. In other words, Russia had been synonymic to the ‘West’ in Mongolia, and the trend evolved throughout the Soviet period in scientific, cultural, and humanitarian contacts; 4) one more important aspect was the goodwill of Russians as such, that directly determined the success of Russia’s image. In the 20th century, Russians and Mongols have had close links, and Mongolian sympathies towards the nothern neighbors are to be seen up till now. The basis of that is constituted by the historical tradition and stable relations, common Eurasian civilizational constants taking the form of psychological comfort, and the indelible historical memory. However, it should be noted that in the context of the USSR’s direct ideological influence on the MPR the relations between the countries were definitely to experience some negative consequences. The once established ‘elder/younger brothers’ relational principle implying the USSR’s leadership in relations with Mongolia resulted in the fact that during the Socialist era the Soviets had significant influence on the Mongolian community, the Mongols being quite concerned over the very relational scheme. The conducted opinion polls regarding the current development of foreign policies confirm that Russia still enjoys great credibility, and Mongolia remains a part of the Russian language space. In conclusion, the image of Russia and Russians in Mongolia has remained generally positive for centuries which allows the Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary Ambassador of the Russian Federation to Mongolia K. I. Azizov to daclare that ‘Russia is open for the long-standing and unfailing friend - Mongolia ’.

With evidence from corresponding legislative acts, the article considers the competences, composition and participation procedures of Middle-Volga nobility assemblies in the latter half of the 19th - early 20th cc. and provides some figures about the actual participation of the nobility in such assemblies. For instance, in Penza Governorate between 1860 and 1896, regular governorate-level assemblies of the nobility were attended by only 24,5 % of the authorized landlords. There was a progressive decline in the participation activities of Penza’s nobility after the Emancipation Reform of 1861 and up to the early 1870s which was evidently due to the unfavorable financial situation experienced by the gentry during the mentioned period. In subsequent years, interest towards the assemblies would occasionally increase as in 1875 or decrease as in 1878, 1884 and 1887; so, by the late 19th century the percentage level was almost equal to that of 1860. The fact assemblies of the nobility were granted additional competences in the late 19th - early 20th cc. testifies that the Government viewed such nobility associations as their ‘ideological transmitters’ at the local level. In that context, their functions - but not their personal rights - were being gradually extended. The late 19th - early 20th cc. reduction of the nobility’s personal rights did not virtually affect the legal status of noble societies that had been established and functioned in each of the Middle-Volga provinces. Thus, the nobility assemblies were the main representative bodies of nobility associations. Rarely did landlords take part in assemblies of the nobility since the former were evidently far more interested in local economic arrangements rather than in matters of state. Land mobilizations resulting in the nobility’s loss of any rights to participate in such assemblies according to the established qualifying requirement was another reason. The third reason was supposedly that the gentry had lost touch with their estates, so they were disconnected from the region and its problems.

With evidence from the 1911 Farmstead Census and some archival documents, the article examines the population of Mordovia’s villages in the early 20th century, particularly as of 1911 and January 1918, i. e. on the eve of the Russian Civil War. The processes are studied through the example of the Mordvinian (Erzya) village of Povodimovo (present-day Dubyonsky District, Republic of Mordovia) that during the period under consideration was part of Alatyrsky Uyezd of Simbirsk Governorate. Povodimovo had been a large village inhabited by state-owned peasants. The vast majority of the homesteads were engaged in grain growing, oat and rye being the most widespread cultivated crops. Livestock breeding was also of great significance. Still, the agricultural methods were far outdated, and almost all the peasants used some primitive tools and mechanisms. This was somewhat compensated by the fertility of the lands and the fact that in over 60 % of the farmsteads people additionally fertilized their fields. In terms of living conditions and wealth status, the population of Povodimovo was heterogeneous enough. Only few persons possessed large plots of land exceeding 10 dessiatins. No wonder then that representatives of over 70 % of the families got employed as seasonal workers outside the uezd (Russ. ‘district, municipality’). By 1918, the economic conditions in the village had deteriorated, and one can note that in general it was typical for the then crisis phenomena in Russia’s agricultural sector resulting from a number of interrelated reasons. By all means, agriculture was undermined by World War I in the aftermath of which many of the peasant families became impoverished. Moreover, that was followed by the Russian Civil War and the related policy of ‘war communism’. Times of changes were approaching, and the centuries-old rural way of life was to be transformed dramatically.

The article deals with the period of primary education system development in Tuva. It is from the early 20th century, when the first Russian schools were founded, that the Tuvan people received the opportunity to obtain secular education for the first time ever. It is believed that despite the difficult socio-economic conditions, the school system of the Uriankhai Region had a stable growth due to public participation of Russian immigrants. The article studies some features of the history of the first educational institutions’ formation, in particular, the actual methods of interaction between government agencies and the society in the field of education that so far have remained understudied. The present work gives special consideration to the subject. The paper shows that the system of the first Russian schools was founded in a relatively short period of time (1908-1919), which subsequently became a reliable stepping stone for the general development of educational institutions in the territory of the Tuvan People’s Republic (1921-1944). The complex process of school system formation in the Uriankhai Region is viewed upon through the prism of an extensive range of sources analyzed using a significant set of archival materials. The stage of Tuva’s educational system formation is poorly understood. So, the article attempts to fill the existing gap. The novelty of the work lies in the fact that the complex approach to the problem is applied for the first time. The school education of the Uriankhai Region has been considered as an integral structure which had been exposed not only to economic and political processes but was also closely related to the social structure of the community. The paper is the first one to discuss the social aspects of the formation of Tuva’s school education in detail, and shows that - along with state participation - the public initiatives of rural communities in the Uriankhai Region that held meetings (general meetings) to pass decisions about the opening of new schools were of great importance. It is noteworthy that, despite the then difficult conditions in a new place, the settlers perfectly well understood the need for primary education for their children and put every possible effort into it.

The article considers the dramatic events of the 1917 Revolution and the subsequent Russian Civil War, the two events that became a civilization breakdown for both Central Russia and its national peripheries. The paper shows how the military intelligentsia of Dagestan - and namely officers and soldiers of the ‘Savage Division’ - manifested themselves in the diverse kaleidoscope of successive socio-political forces and various parties of the then Dagestan. They accused the Bolsheviks and started struggling against the latter in every possible way in the atmosphere of political instability and universal anarchy that pervaded the society after the 1917 Revolution. Being essentially passionate, the military intelligentsia took an active part in all vicissitudes - whether military or political ones - of the Russian Civil War. The highland intelligentsia dreamt of an independent Caucasus, establishing a confederation of highland peoples of the Caucasus. The fair investigation of activities of those who took sides with the opponents of the winning (Soviet) regime shall facilitate reconstruction of the actual history of civil confrontation in Dagestan. The Dagestani Cavalry Regiment experienced heavy casualties, with many officers of the regiment having been killed in action or injured. After the retreat, the surviving Dagestani officers retired towards their home highland villages. The Russian Civil War had its dramatic impact on military intellectuals of Dagestan forcing them to join the bloody and fratricidal strife. The military - people of duty and discipline - had their own ideas about the future of the Motherland which they definitely loved. And it is well possible that they failed to join efforts and implement their plans because of disagreements between the movement leaders, excessive ambitions of the latter, rivalries and constant controversies.

Proceeding from archival sources and literature, the article aims to show the situation in Dagestan on the eve of the Great Russian Revolution of 1917. By the time Dagestan joined Russia, the former was a traditional society. Reforms introduced by the Tsarist Government precipitated its socio-economic development. The paper notes that the halfness of the peasants Reform of the 1860s and the remaining dependence of some peasants led to an increase in social tension in rural areas - within the dependent population. The peasants refused to pay imposts and perform duties to their beks (or beys, i.e. ‘landlords’), fired their property. On returning to their homelands, the peasants who had performed some seasonal work in cities contributed to the growth of anti-feudal insurgencies in villages. The mass anti-feudal peasants’ revolts forced the authorities to implement a reform that abolished feudal dependence in 1913. In the early 20th century, there emerged an intelligentsia layer which took shape after Russophone schools had been opened. A certain role in the dissemination of anti-government propaganda among the highlanders was played by seasonal workers. Many of them had worked in the oil fields of Baku and Grozny where they got inspired by revolutionary ideas, took part in workers' strikes. The economic claims of theirs were gradually replaced by political ones. So, in May-June 1916, weavers of the Caspian Textiles went on strike, and earlier - in April - either did workers of Mikhailov's Tobacco Factory. The emergence of industry and the working class facilitated further development of the revolutionary movement in the towns of the region. The worsening of economic living conditions lead to significant changes in the social and political situation in Dagestan. World War I intensified the social tension in the community. Workers’ strikes began, peasants en masse refused to conscript for works in the rear combat zone, which largely contributed to the increasing social tension in Dagestan.

The article examines the activities of republican government agencies during the Great Patriotic War mirrored in the pages of the Leninsky Put (‘Lenin’s Way’) newspaper. The period from July 1942 to January 1943 was the toughest one in the history of the republic, with armed hostilities in the territory of the region and a temporary military occupation of some its districts. Materials of periodicals stored at the National Archive of Kalmykia testify of certain changes in the propaganda work of the mentioned organs. In the summer of 1942, front pages of Leninsky Put dealt with the situation at the fronts of the Great Patriotic War, government decrees, mobilization of the population to support the Red Army, and some international news. The analysis of article headings (e.g., 'To Involve More Citizens in Crop Harvesting Activities', 'No Experience of Best Workers Propagated', 'Best Livestock Breeders of Sovkhoz', etc.) shows that the Kalmyk Executive Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) laid special emphasis on the propaganda of labor mobilization. Such agitprop materials were often supplemented with some clarifying photos. The qualitative analysis of printed texts testifies that the words 'hectare', 'labor', 'competition', 'kolkhoz', and 'crop harvesting' dominated within the regional articles of that period. During the military occupation, republican printed texts were published on front pages of Leninsky Put, the number of regional articles remaining the same as before. The printed articles were expanded and became sizeable enough - up to 5 500 printable characters. The analysis of headings of republican articles ('One Labor Month during Fishing Season to Support Army', 'Victory Will Be Ours', 'Young Women at Fronts', 'Fishing in Closed Water Bodies', etc.) detects that in agitprops the emrpasis was shifted from labor feats to deeds of valor. In early 1943, Leninsky Put's opening pages also contained some republican printed texts. The headings of republican articles ('Fundraising to Construct Tank Column', 'Moscow, Kremlin. To Comrade Stalin', etc.) start recurring wich may provide evidence of the establishment of long-term propaganda priorities. One such priority was an overview of fundraising activities aimed to create the Sovetskaya Kalmykia Tank Coulmn. The printed texts became even more sizeable reaching 6 300 printable characters. The qualitative survey shows the words 'Germans', 'fascists', 'evil creatures', 'occupants', 'Red Army', and 'Stalin' still prevailed in regional articles during the period under consideration. However, there appeared some new often used words, such as 'roubles', 'Elista', 'Khulkhuta', and 'Yashkul'. The genre diversity of printed articles was also retained to draw readers' attention. Thus, the analysis of printed publications of the Leninsky Put newspaper dealing with republican affairs allows for the conclusion that Kalmykia's Soviet authorities were able to redesign their agitprop activities to meet the war-time requirements and basically attained the assigned goals.

The article examines the activities of one of the regional archives of the Lower Volga Region - the National Archive of the Republic of Kalmykia - in the period of 1920 to 1938. The work presents the main areas of its activities, such as acquisition, preservation and use; gradually traces the sources of the archive’s collection; covers the issue of document storage; mentions publications prepared by employees of the archive; contains references to most important administrative documents of central and local authorities regarding regional archives in general and the National Archive of the Republic of Kalmykia in particular. The chronological framework of the study is limited by the years 1920 and 1938. 1920 is the establishment year of the Kalmyk people’s autonomy and that of the state archival service of Kalmykia. 1938 is the year when the state archival service passed from the All-Russian Central Executive Committee (VTSiK) to control of - and, thus, was incorporated by - the People’s Commissariat of Internal Affairs (NKVD). The scientific novelty of the work is due to coverage of understudied points dealing with the activities of the archive in 1920-1938 and introduction of previously unknown documents from the National Archive of the Republic of Kalmykia and the State Archive of Astrakhan Oblast into scientific discourse. The article is based on reporting documents stored at the two archives mentioned above. With evidence from one regional archive, the paper characterizes the formation of the new system of the Soviet archival network and traces its initial development. Special attention is given to the personality of the first head of Kalmykia’s state archival service - professor N. N. Palmov. Moreover, the first Kalmyk archivists were able to preserve valuable archival collections of the republic which are nowadays so much required and can be used by historians and ethnographers.

The article analyzes the role of the Oka and Sura River valleys in the ethnopolitical system of Eastern Europe in the latter half of the 1st - first third of the 2nd millennia AD. With evidence from summarized written sources available, materials of archaeological surveys and historiographic works, the paper highlights the periods in the history of the Mordvins when relatively stable relations in political, economic and ethnocultural spheres prevailed which determined the ways of historical process in the region under consideration. The Oka and Sura River valleys are historical homelands of the Mordvins. It has been discovered that during the considered period, the Mordvinic tribes were directly or indirectly influenced by most significant political processes of that time. The main events of the Migration Period (up to the 7th-8th centuries AD) took place relatively far away, but the bulk of massive relocations of ancient populations affected trade and economic relations, boosting minor interregional migrations. The analysis of materials of archaeological surveys concludes that there was some activation of migration processes in the Oka-Sura Interfluve. In the 8th-10th cc. AD, the crucial impact on the life of the region was being made by the Khazar Khaganate, and the Mordvinic tribes were politically subjugated by the state. That was reflected in trade, ethnocultural and supposedly political relations which is confirmed by multiple archaeological data, such as adornments, amulets, weapons, and horse accessories found in Mordvinic burial sites. In the 11th-13th cc. AD, the Oka-Sura Interfluve became a battlefield for the two major states with opposing political orientations - Russian principalities and Volga Bulgaria - that proved a key factor in the formation of the two Mordvinic sub-ethnic groups - Moksha and Erzya. In view of frequent armed hostilities in the territory of the region, there appeared regular military units and defensive fortifications, but no independent state with corresponding administrative mechanisms of coercion was developed.

Analyzing the earliest collected ethnographic papers, the article aims to study the history of how the source basis of Kalmyk ethnography was formed and compiled during the restoration of the autonomy of Kalmykia in the latter half of the 20th century. It is impossible to understand present-day ethnographic science of Kalmykia, its social and spiritual functions without due critical re-evaluation of the accumulated research experience, which makes the study even more topical. The article used studies on Kalmyk ethnography - including bibliographic data about the latter - implemented after the Kalmyks were allowed to return to their ancestral lands and restore the autonomy. Like all research studies of the Soviet period implemented and published under the Communist rule, the works of the 1960-1970s mirrored the emotional state of the society dramatically influenced by social and political issues. Still, the researchers were able to commit to paper the then ethnic processes and make certain steps on the way towards the establishment of fundamentals for further classification and typology, which are urgent for the creation of a complete and reliable system of ideas about the changes within the Soviet community. The bibliometrical research method was applied for the analysis of historiographic materials, which helped examine the problem in chronological sequence. Special attention was paid to the earliest ethnographic research papers comprising a number of scholarly studies, including some excerpts from theses. The paper concludes that the period under consideration is characterized by vigorous research activities of Kalmykia’s scholars, who within a relatively short space of time were able to discover and introduce into scientific discourse new data on the ethnography of the Kalmyk people, and with evidence from a wide range of sources - including own field studies - to systemize and classify them, with due theoretical conclusions. However, many aspects remained understudied, the ethnographic science was only being established. So, the first ethnographers elaborated the themes related to their theses, leaving some issues behind. During the period the first professional ethnographers were trained - university graduates and candidates of sciences (‘Ph. D.’). In 1970, the first doctor-of-sciences (‘Sc. D.’) thesis in ethnography was defended in Kalmykia. Despite the monoideological surroundings, Kalmykia’s ethnographers attained significant results, which were their contribution to the restoration and rebuilding of the republic.

Like all the peoples of Siberia, the Buryats were involved in the process of Christianization aiming to complete the spiritual unification of Russia’s multinational population in the 19th century. The Christianization was actively implemented out in Irkutsk Governorate. In Transbaikalia, the process was restrained by the solid position of Buddhism. The Buryats’ conversion to Orthodox Christianity was based on a number of social problems. It entailed changes in the economic and cultural life of the baptized Buryats, influencing their self-identity. In Buryat society there was an ambiguous attitude towards different groups of baptized Buryats. Some of the baptized Buryats rejected the society, and others had to put up with it. The first group consisted of people who had already come into conflict with society. Those were criminals - thieves, robbers. Significantly, a number of newly baptized individuals were married against the will of parents and clan communities. The newlyweds were deprived of ties with their ancestral community after such church marriage. In the 19th century, married women eager to get a divorce got baptized actively. They were pushed for the decision by the arbitrariness and unlimited power of the husband and his relatives. In the other group, there were people who converted to Orthodoxy for ‘objective reasons’ - in view of poverty, to get education, or as a matter of duty. The attitudes of society towards the latter were more loyal. However, the change in religious status led to changes of administrative nature - those of property status and place of residence. These changes led to a split in the Buryat society and the breaking of ties between the newly baptized people and their relatives. At the same time, the process of integration of the newly baptized into Russian society was not that easy. The adoption of Orthodox Christianity by the Buryats not at all meant that they were immediately perceived as ‘own people’ (i.e. insiders) in the Russian environment. The ambiguous attitude of Russians towards the newly baptized Buryats led to the formation of such an ethnic group as karym. In general, the act of baptism was formal for most Buryats: newly baptized ones, as a rule, kept professing the faith of their ancestors - shamanism, which contributed to the preservation of their ethnic, gentile identity. And with the adoption of the liberal law on freedom of religion in 1905, the mass separation of the Buryats from Orthodoxy began. Orthodoxy for the Buryats became an instrument that improved the material conditions of the poor, helped officials to build a dialogue with the authorities ‘in the right direction’, thus destroying the traditional foundations of the Buryat society.

The article deals with a special object of worship kept in the Oirat monastery of Dechenravjaaling (Uvs Province, Mongolia). The object is a ceremonial robe of the Supreme Lama (Oir., Mong. Khambo Lama) Luvsannamkhai who had founded the mentioned monastery in 1736. Following the Buddhist tradition his ceremonial robe has been worshipped as a symbol of the line of transmission of the teaching within the monastery, and before the latter was closed in 1937 every Khambo Lama could put the robe - lavshig - on only on solemn occasions. The paper concludes that the monastic clothes of the first abbot of Dechenravjaaling monastery are actually a handmade wool wrap coat (the twilled cloth being only 20 cm wide) with a satin silk lining and a special collar that comprises both quilted and velvet elements. The garment is generally designed after South Siberian sewing patterns. However, the asymmetrical wrap sides of the coat, the bias of the collar on the outer wrap side, and the replaceable hoof-like cuffs are typical for the Mongolian tradition. Luvsannamkhai's ceremonial garment meets the requirements introduced by the 1st Bodg Gegeen towards monastic clothes. The home handloom-weaving technology, widespread in the region in the 18th century, predetermined the specific properties of the cloth which corresponds to the early Buddhist tradition of making monastic robes from cloth patches (straps). The hand sewing was also determined by the period when the garment was made and proceeded from the Buddhist tradition prescribing that monastic robes were to be sewn by hand. Still, it is safe to say the sewing pattern and some peculiarities of Luvsannamkhai's robe also mirror ancient Oirat traditions since South Siberian modes of dress were popular enough among the Western Mongols. The garment can be referred to the lavshig cluster inherent to Mongolian culture. In general, in terms of proportions its is similar to Kalmyk lavshigs dated back to the late 19th century, which may provide evidence of some common origins. The work covers the issues of traditional Buddhist views on monastic clothes and worship of articles of clothing by the Oirats, reveals some peculiarities of the cloth and sewing pattern of the Khambo Lama’s ceremonial robe testifying to its old age and the use of handlooms; one can also learn about definite ideas related to its color symbolism. The conclusion is that within the Oirat Buddhist tradition, ceremonial monastic clothing was similar enough to that of the Mongols and vaguely similar to that of the Kalmyks.

According to archaic beliefs of Central Asian nomads, there are things that may be counted and those that may not. The latter includes livestock. However, socio-economic requirements of the authorities - the Khan, zaisan (Kalm. ‘prince’) or any other ruler - that needed money for social amenities (i.e. taxes), and practices of customary law within a community (e.g. kalym, Turk. ‘payment for the bride’) forced nomads to count their livestock. Since earliest times to the present days Central Asian livestock breeders have been using the term bodo - denoting one big animal - for livestock count. Bodo is both an economic and financial term acting as universal equivalent. With evidence from diverse scholarly studies it may be concluded that the bodo-based count system had taken shape before the emergence of the Mongol Empire and evolved from the customary law of Central Asian peoples. It was the Great Yassa (Mong. Ikh Zasag ‘great code of laws’) introduced by Genghis Khan at the 1206 Kurultai (Mong. ‘assembly’) which proved a codified version of the ancient customary law of Turko-Mongols. Thus, ever since one can trace the quantity equivalent of one bodo in both written and oral Mongolian codes of laws. Throughout centuries the size of bodo varied which is understandable enough when viewed from the perspective of its position as universal equivalent, i.e. exactly like the case of floating exchange rates of modern supranational currencies. The article attempts to define the principle for the formation of bodo. The main conclusion is that a bodo comprises a number of small ruminants which are cheaper both in terms of marketable value and reproduction (this year’s lambs shall breed in just one year), and are equivalent to one cow, (saddle-)horse or (pack-)camel. Judging by the fact one camel stood for two bodos, camels were most valued due to the longest reproduction period. In other words, the bodo-based universal estimation system of medieval Turko-Mongols can be well compared to the present day universal equivalent - money: one ruble (sheep) - one hundred rubles (horse).

The 19th century health studies among the indigenous populations of Siberia and Central Asia show that the infectious diseases were caused by specific economic activities (hunting, livestock breeding), peculiarities of lifestyle and nutrition. Since ancient times, Mongolian peoples had been aware of smallpox, anthrax, animal plague, rabies, tuberculosis, and leprosy. Smallpox was periodically brought to the nomadic environment by the peoples of neighboring China. The source of plague, rabies and anthrax were animals, both domestic and wild ones. Many diseases were introduced into the nomadic environment during the colonization of Siberia from the western regions (typhus, diphtheria, measles, venereal diseases), the rest having been brought from other territories (smallpox, typhoid, diphtheria, venereal diseases). The traditional world view reduces the origin of epidemic and contagious diseases to the harmful activity of deities and spirits of disease. For this reason, the practice of treatment took the form of ritual, magical actions. A common practice of treating infected rabies-infected individuals was bathing in reservoirs with healing waters, staying in sacred caves. Some infectious diseases were reported to be of ‘heavenly’ origin. So, it was believed such actions as exorcism of the spirit of the disease, use of fire, or shooting of firearms could get help rid of them. Such irrational healing practices were necessarily accompanied by rituals. The rituals were addressed to the deity-culprits of diseases and were committed by shamans or lamas. Deities and spirits were asked not to harm people, or they were thanked for healing the disease. Measures to prevent and stop epidemics were rational actions in the struggle against epidemics that are relevant in different historical periods. Since ancient times, some warning signs to inform about the presence of a dangerous disease have been used by nomads. So, rapid resettlements of a healthy population from dangerous areas saved multiple lives. Isolation of the sick was another effective measure. Over time, these measures got introduced into the legal system of nomads. Thus, the dispersion of nomads did not facilitate the spread of epidemics. In addition, the condition for the resistance of the nomads’ immune system to many diseases was their motion related lifestyle, healthy food (dairy and meat products). Mare’s milk - airag (koumiss) was especially efficient for the prevention and healing of tuberculosis. Traditional beliefs and ideas of the Mongolian peoples about diseases are part of the general mythopoietic picture once formed throughout Central Asia. In this connection, such beliefs of the Mongols, Buryats, Khakass, and Tuvans show a certain similarity.

The article attempts to measure the frequency use of analytical word forms in Mongolian. One of the difficulties is that the boundaries of the framework for such analytical constructions are unclear enough. Evidently, the scope is of diffusive nature, i.e. the boundaries are vague. However, those can be investigated by quite precise methods, given that the latter essentially comply with a real object, i.e. be quantitative. This requires that at some initial stage of research it should be settled which formally detected characteristics are typical for analytical constructions. Heuristically, it is admitted that the ‘wide’ approach towards analytical forms represented within the so called theory of grammaticalization (or grammatization) is most fruitful; but the approach should be supplemented with quantitative methods developed in corpus linguistics. With evidence from the General Corpus of Mongolian (GCM / GKMYa-1а), the paper identifies most frequently used analytical word forms. The materials are represented in the form of statistical tables, the word forms being arranged in direct alphabetical order of corresponding lexemes. The ranking list comprises not all structural analytical models of Mongolian syntactic molecules, but rather - the most commonly used ones. The threshold requirement for an analytical word form to be included in the list is 312 instances within the GCM-1a, or 275 ipm. The work shows most commonly used analytical word forms with an absolute frequency of over 10 instances, a relative one of theirs being 9 ipm. The GCM-1a contains 1 818 such word forms.

The article deals with the lexis denoting pieces of clothing and footwear in the major Mongolic languages, such as Khalkha, Buryat, and Kalmyk. The research into the historical background and semantics of the lexis in question has shown that the basic notions, e.g. qubčasun ‘clothes’, debel ‘traditional Mongolian garment’, γutul ‘boots’, terlig ‘summer robe’, etc., are common for most of the Mongolic languages. However, semantics of these lexical units may vary, because native speakers of every Mongolic language have had contacts with different nationalities, and, for instance, inhabitants of Inner Mongolia are more likely to use Chinese loanwords for a wider range of things than Khalkha, Buryat or Kalmyk speakers. Thus, in Inner Mongolia the word dašinǰa (< chin. 大裙子dà qúnzi, literally ‘big skirt’) refers to all kinds of 'long clothes without lining', including doctor’s white coats, while in Khalkha the word даашинз is reserved mainly for the items resembling Chinese and European-style dresses. For bathrobes, dressing gowns and white coats, Khalka speakers use the Russian borrowing халат/ халад/ халаад. A similar situation can be observed in Kalmyk - the Kalmyks and Oirats have their typical бишмүд (< turk. *bäšmät ‘long frockcoat’), along with девл, which, unlike Khalkha дээл, denotes mostly items resembling fur coats. The semantic field of the Khalkha дээл, sometimes meaning even ‘clothes’, is much wider. As for the boots, Mongols have numerous footwear types - for men, women, children, lamas, and shamans - but, speaking about the most common one, Khalkha and Buryat speakers denote it with the word гутал ‘boots’ (<*gutul), while Kalmyks prefer to use the word hосн (<*gutusun) with the same meaning. These two words have the same root, which, probably meant ‘hide from wild animal legs’. In Khalka and Buryat the both words are used - the word гутал denotes the traditional Mongolian boots, whereas the Khalkha годос and Buryat годоhон denote ‘high fur boots, mukluks’. In Kalmyk, the word гутал is not used; they use the word hосн as a common term denoting the most widely spread traditional Kalmyk footwear. The reason is, probably, that traditional Oirat and Kalmyk boots had more resemblance to the ancient footwear made of soft hide from a wild animal’s legs.

The article represents new facts concerning the problem of ancient language communications and facts confirming the interaction of Turkic languages with Mongolic and Tungus-Manchu ones. The paper shows that the words representing cultural lexicon of Turkic languages were repeatedly borrowed into both the Mongolic and Tungus-Manchu languages and dialects, and those were Turkic languages - many of them extinct nowadays - that were sources of such diverse loans. The materials under consideration constitute a new episode in studies of the mentioned interlingual relations. And when it comes to the description of lexical structure of Altaic languages in the historical and areal perspectives, the presented facts prove interesting both in terms of theory and practice. The paper concludes that all revealed patterns of the kind are characterized by some features as follows: 1) the words to be compared are beyond the systems of correspondences inherent to the comparative and historical phonetics of Tungus-Manchu languages, but match the Turkic system of correspondences exactly for the specific consonants - δ, š, z, j - and are somewhat congruent with the uncommon transformations of vowels typical, e.g., for the Chuvash language; 2) the vast majority of patterns revealed during the search of correspondences for the targeted Turkic roots show no significant semantic differences, otherwise their semantic divergences match the divergence processes to be witnessed in Turkic languages as such, etc. Together with the similar facts in these languages there are such forms of words which help us reconstruct the lexical units as elements of common Altaic lexicon. The article concludes that the goals of further studies of areal relations between Turkic, Mongolic and Tungus-Manchu languages should comprise systemization and linguo-geographic analysis of the facts mirroring elements of such extinct languages dated 3 000 years back (when the Tungus-Manchu group split up resulting in the divergence of the Turkic languages that were in contact with diffusing dialects of the Common Tungus-Manchu parent language), and, thus, deepening the prospects of Turkic studies by 1 700 years from the period of the earliest Turkic written monuments.

Proceeding from Kalmyk- and German-language materials collected through continuous sampling from diverse corresponding dictionaries, the article provides a comparative study of zoonyms which are one of the most underinvestigated categories of onomastics. The conducted analysis testifies that in Kalmyk there are more zooanthroponyms connected with domestic animals, their age, gender, and color properties than there are in Chinese. This is due to the fact that the traditional economy practiced by the Kalmyks up to the early 20th century had been nomadic livestock breeding. Personal and family names stemming from terms to denote gender and age features of animals, or names of animals untypical for the Central Asian fauna, prevail among Kalmyk zoonyms, while in Chinese no such trends have been traced. The animal age and gender identification system developed by the Kalmyks - nomadic livestock breeders - was more elaborated than that of the sedentary Chinese. Many of the Kalmyk zooanthroponyms had actually been nicknames parents used to give to their children according to certain traditional religious beliefs. The trend to give zoonymic names has almost disappeared among the Kalmyks, and nowadays can be basically traced in family names. The number of zooanthroponyms among Chinese personal and clan names is much lower which is to the sedentary way of life of the nation. The Chinese anthroponyms contain no gender and age differentiating characteristics, names of wild animals, and animals geographically untypical for the territory of China as such. However, Chinese family names may contain names of mythical beings, and a number of Chinese hieroglyphs have retained zoonymic graphic elements since most ancient times.

The article considers Bashkir onomastics (ethnic, personal and place names) associated with the ethnonym Kalmak (Qalmaq). The lexeme is present in 18 Bashkir clans and tribes. The peculiar feature here is that among some tribal groups there are over 10 names of clan subdivisions bearing the stem Kalmak that gives testimony of once intensive Bashkir-Kalmyk contacts. It should be noted that in some tribal groups there are not one but several Kalmak/Kalmyk-stemmed clan names, e.g., among the Burzyan Bashkirs there are 13 such clans; among Kotays - 10, Kipchaks - 7, Ailins - 5, Kudeys, Kushsys, Szyzgys, Katais, Balyks, Tamyans, Kanglys, and Tabyns - 5, Tangaurs - 4, Jurmats and Serbs - 3 generic units named Kalmak/Kalmyk respectively. The article also notes the wide dissemination of the ethnonym Kalmak/Kalmyk in other groups of onomastic vocabulary, namely in toponymy and anthroponymy. The article contains toponyms with the basis of Kalmak both in modern and historical toponymy. Many historical Kalmak-stemmed toponymic names have disappeared due to the growth (and mergers) of settlements. The same is the case with anthroponymy: in the 18th and early 19th centuries there were many more Kalmak-stemmed personal names and surnames than there are nowadays. These facts testify of the intensive contacts between Bashkirs and Kalmyks in the 17th-18th centuries. Proceeding from folklore and documentary materials, the article reveals the reasons and mechanisms explaining how the ethnic name Kalmak became that widespread in Bashkir onomastics. The paper stresses the fact that a number of Kalmak-stemmed names go back to the Kalmyk people as such when certain groups or representatives of the Kalmyk ethnos joined and were, thus, incorporated by the Bashkir people. Another part of such onomastics is probably associated with patronymic appellatives which came into being as a result of some residual part (be they Bashkirs or other nomads) of a clan or a tribe, i.e. the name derived from the gloss Kalmak/Kalmyk < qalγan ‘the remaining one’.

The paper analyzes some of the 'Tangut' materials as contained in N. Witsen’s Noord en Oost Tartarye (1692, 1705) and represented by a brief Oirat vocabulary given as an illustration to the Tangut Letters. The Oirat words are written in Tibetan script, and the Oirat nature of the text can be clearly seen from the phonetic, morphological, and semantic properties. Therefore, it can be well considered to be the first Oirat-language monument recorded in Tibetan script. The language of the materials referred to by N. Witsen as 'Tangut' is largely Oirat and mirrors both bookish and conversational forms. This is confirmed by evidence as follows: 1) the author meticulously distinguishes between the uvular [χ] and the back [k] using the Tibetan ha and kha; 2) the final -n and short vowels of the last open syllable are retained, e.g., /nüdün/, /šüdün/, /kelen/, etc.; 3) there are such words as malaχai, γodosun, köböün in their Oirat-bookish (Clear Script, or Todo Bichiq) forms; 4) the fact that [e] is expressed through -ie- (emie, kelien, busie, etc.) testifies, in our opinion, of the Oirat nature of the sound - an upper front vowel. Still, the materials contain the words χabar ‘nose’, modun ‘tree’ that rather tend to be typical for Classical Mongolian. But it is widely known that bookish Mongolian words had been borrowed into Oirat through translations from Mongolian, thus making the compositions sound more archaic and scholastic. And many of the words - in the same forms - were introduced into Oirat dictionaries. Especially noteworthy among the peculiar means to convey Mongolic languages via Tibetan graphic elements within the data under consideration are (vowel) 'durations' expressed by the capital ’a. The paper notes that in most cases the 'durations' do not coincide with the long vowels researchers are familiar with, i.e. are not to be found in orthographies of diverse Mongolic languages and written monuments.

The analysis of semantics, structure and context of the ritual performed by Altaians during visits to holy springs - arzhan - has shown that it stems from animistic beliefs. The paper concludes that the ritual conducted for spirit masters of holy springs has a lot in common with the ancient shamanic ritual of jer-suu, i.e. sacrifices to spirits of mountains, rivers, lakes and holy springs. In fact, the actional elements of the sacrifice to spirit masters of springs are identical to those applied in the rite of sacrifice to spirit masters of the ‘land-and-water’ (Alt. jer-suu). There is an ethical code for visitors of a holy spring; any violation or improper performance of the worshipping rite is believed to entail corresponding punishment or bring efforts to naught. Those canons have been established and became a topic of discussion in folklore, particularly in mythological tales, epic songs, and beliefs. The narratives are centered around motifs of spring spirits’ appearances, their symbolic images pictured by visitors, with some positive or negative semantics. Plots of some stories deal with cases associated with violation of ‘holy-spring’ etiquette or improper performance of the rite. Texts of invocations to holy springs are more situational, and the initial part necessarily contains appeals to a particular spring. The most common and complete text of the introductory part of invocation comprises all the important characteristics of the glorified object. The Altai is praised with all its attributes as the place the holy spring flows from. The characteristic feature is that a request is submitted - to heal the patient from a disease. It is believed that the best time to visit a holy spring is from early summer - when leaves on trees bloom (Alt. jazhyl bürde - ‘at the time of green foliage’) - and to mid-autumn when foliage turns all yellow (Alt. sary bürde - ‘at the time of yellow foliage’). Thus, the time of visits to holy springs coincides with that of the spring-summer rite of Altai Takygani and ends in autumn, i.e. after the latter is over.

The article examines the supreme deity of Karachay-Balkar pagan pantheon - Teiri (Tengri). Three pantheons of pagan deities are inherent to the religious and mythological system of the Karachay-Balkar people, namely: Turkic, Alanic and Caucasian ones. It is universally recognized that the Supreme God of all these deities is Teiri / Tengri. Deities of the Turkic pagan pantheon of Karachays and Balkars are generally referred to as ‘Teiri’ (‘Tengri’), and the functions of each such Teiri (Tengri) are strictly differentiated: Teiri of the Sky, Teiri of the Earth, Teiri of the Sun, Teiri of Water, etc. The importance and significance of the Teiri cult in the pagan pantheon virtually predetermined the fact that people kept worshipping the deity even after the adoption of Islam. Like many other Turkic and Mongolic peoples, ancient Balkars and Karachays held special prayers for the ‘deity of all deities’ - Teiri. Prayer hymns in his honor were central to the mysteries. The peculiarity of the songs is that spells for whatever desired were issued as something already real with extensive use of hyperbole, which is due to the ancient belief in the magical power of the word. According to the Karachay-Balkar Nart songs and legends, the creation of the world and Narts is connected with Teiri’s activities, and further he most significantly influences the fates of Nart heroes.

When it comes to the emergence of the Kalmyk expatriate community one should keep it in mind that it was actually a multifactoral phenomenon. This is confirmed by the fact that, despite their small numbers in foreign environment and arduous - even tragic - living conditions, the Kalmyk forced emigrants never got assimilated. On the contrary, they devoted their efforts and all intellectual forces to reviving their national culture, namely: preservation of historical memory, consciousness, language, traditional script and literature. So, even though the Kalmyk emigrants had settled abroad, each of them felt deeply connected to everything that happened in the far and beloved homeland of Kalmykia. This is evident from educational, publishing, historical, socio-political, and literary activities conducted by leaders of the Kalmyk expatriate community - Sanzhi Bayanov, Badma Ulanov, Shamba Balinov, Sanzhi Balykov, etc. Any work published - be it a report, a sketch or a poem - is actually a compressed pained experience, and contains testimony of the unconditional priority of the national idea. In fact, this very feature helped the isolated Kalmyk emigrants retain their national identity. The investigation of literary activities within the émigré circles is preceded by exploration of the emergence of the 20th century Kalmyk expatriate community - constituted by forced emigrants to Europe and the US in the aftermath of the Russian Revolution and WWII - with evidence from historical materials, archival documents and literary works of Kalmyk émigré writer S. Balykov. On reaching the foreign lands, the emigrants understood that was point of no return and, thus, had to adapt to harsh conditions of life. The history of both the Kalmyk and Russian émigré communities witnessed an attempt of repatriation which, however, ended up tragically: as is known, the repatriation process of the early 1930s resulted in mass repressions and subsequent executions. Discussing the issue of the emergence of the Kalmyk expatriate community, the paper concludes that the history following the Great Russian revolution and defeat of the White Army can be characterized as tragic. Thus, the Kalmyk emigrants naturally and by all means adhered to anti-Soviet positions to the last.