With evidence from literary, electronic, visual sources, the article investigates the original medieval monuments of Mongolia and their reconstructions. This work resulted in a compilation of a consolidated list of corresponding items to be found in Russia and Mongolia’s
museums. Due to objective reasons the list is short, but it does provide an overview of development of national military affairs. Nowadays ― after many years of oblivion ― there is an increasing interest towards medieval Mongolian culture. A history of reconstructions of medieval armor and equipment revealed an opportunity for graduation of popular and scientifc historical reconstructions. Despite some common features, each one has its certain objectives, targets and specifcs, still the trends complement each other. Popular historical reenactments had emerged earlier and became widespread enough. Due to this trend, on the basis of scientifc studies archaeologists have established a new methodology for research of historical reconstructions and implemented it in practice resulting in the establishment a scientifc school. Nowadays the medieval arts of war, including Mongolian ones, are represented by a large block of remakes of military equipment, the degree of reliability of the armor
being quite high. In many cases, traditional medieval techniques and materials are used, which had
been restored by academic researchers. Many such items received the status of museum objects,
replenishing funds of famous museums. Thus, one can witness the emergence of a living history
museum in Mongolia as a new form for a revival of historical memory and cultural heritage of the
Mongolian Empire. Preservation of the country’s nomadic way of life contributes to the creation of
reliable authentic reconstructions with the use of medieval technologies and materials still to be seen
in modern everyday life. Integration of historical heritage into tourism is advantageous both from an
economic point of view, and from the perspective of preservation and promotion of cultural heritage.

The article examines the role of religion in the ethnic formation of the Oirats, especially between the 15th and 17th centuries. The period proved crucial for the social and political development of the Oirats. The sources for the article include both well-known and understudied texts, such as: the Mongolian chronicle The Secret History of the Mongols (Mong. Mongolyn nuuts tovchoo, compiled in 1240), Compendium of Chronicles (Pers. Jāmiʿ al-Tawārīkh, compiled around 1310) by the Persian historian and statesman Rashid al-Din (1247–1318), History of Rashid (Pers. Tarikh-i Rashidi, 1546) by Mirza Muhammad Haidar (1499–1551), The Autobiography of the Fifth Dalai Lama (Tib. Za hor gyi ban de ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho’i ‘di snang ‘khrul ba’i rol rtsed rtogs brjod kyi tshul du bkod pa du ku la’i gos bzang) by Ngawang Lobsang Gyatso (1617–1682), the Mongolian chronicles Erdeniin Tobchi (1662) by Sagang Sechen (1604–?) and Altan Tobchi of Guush Luvsandanzan (17th c.), texts on the history of the Oirats by the Kalmyk historians Gabang Sharab (written in 1737) and Batur Ubashi Tyumen (written in 1819), as well as some newly discovered Oirat sources.
First, the paper considers the correlated issues, i.e. the main tribes (nations) of the early Oirats as they appeared in corresponding sources. According to Rashid-al-Din, the Oirats belonged to the group of peoples, who identified themselves as Mongols, though they had not recognized themselves as such in the earlier times. According to Erdeniyn Tobchi, the main Oirats peoples were the Ogelet, Bagatud, Khoit and Kergud, who composed the early confederation of the Oirats, and according to other chronicles, the first three of them had existed in 15th century. Special attention is paid to the problem of the so-called ‘westward exodus’ of the Elet Oirats. The article concludes that was a true event which happened in the mid-to-late 15th century. The main reason was the religious ardor of the famous Oirat ruler Esen Tayiji’s (an active proponent of Buddhism) two grandsons ― Ibrahim and Ilyas — who had been brought up as convinced Muslims. The paper hypothesizes that being leaders of the Elets, the brothers moved along with a significant part of this Oirat people to Moghulistan where probably most of them were put to death by Alachi Khan (Ahmad Khan). This could happen around 1485–1504. The tragic event led to the important transformative changes among the Oirats, namely: a new ‘middle’ confederation was created by the Oirats with Buddhism as the crucially important faith for the very survival of the nation. Besides, over time the remaining Esen’s descendants formed two new peoples ― Dorbets and Dzungars. The echo of the sudden exodus of the Elet Oirats was still evident in the mid-17th century, as The Autobiography of the Fifth Dala-lama mentions some significant damage among six main Oirat peoples. The paper concludes that religion traditionally played an outstanding role in the social and political history of the Oirats.

The paper covers the life and activities of a former abbot of the great Kumbum Monastery in Amdo (China), now the director of the Tibetan Mongolian Buddhist Cultural Center in Bloomington, Indiana, ― Arjia Rinpoche. The main content is based on the author’s translation from Chinese of the Arjia Rinpoche’s autobiography Against the Winds: the Arjia Rinpoche’s Life and a Secret of the Golden Urn’s Lot published in Taiwan in 2013. This autobiography considerably differs from the former English language autobiography published in the USA in 2010. It is twice as large and is more detailed and reflexive. The article introduces the book and focuses on the main events of Arjia Rinpoche’s life. Born in 1950 in traditional Amdo and recognized as a incarnation of the 8th Arjia Rinpoche, Tsongkhapa’s father, he lived through the all turbulent events of the Tibetan history and gave a deeply moving and fascinating account of his life in a broader context of the Sino-Tibet-Mongolian relations. Being an abbot of Kumbum and a high ranking official as well, he could not compromise his principles in the controversial selection of the 11th Panchen Lama’s incarnation and chose instead to go into exile. The article concludes that Arjia Rinpoche is one of the most important religious and political figures of Tibet, his role in the modern history of Tibet and Amdo is difficult to overestimate, while his autobiography is one of the most valuable and reliable historical sources.

The article deals with confessional identity of Kalmyks who converted to Christianity. Despite almost a two-centuries long policy of Christianization, the Kalmyks managed to preserve their religious identity remaining committed to their ancestral religion. The Russian Government conducted somewhat flexible and moderate policy towards the Kalmyks preferring to leave them as they were in the territory of the Kalmyk Khanate. But migrations of Kalmyks to other governorates and their conversion to Christianity outside the khanate were welcomed and encouraged. During this period a number of settlements outside the khanate were established, e.g., those in the Don River region, Kalmyks also resettled to Chuguev in Kharkov Governorate, Belyaevo in Eastern Ukraine, Tereshka River area in the right bank of the Volga to the north of Saratov, Stavropol-on-Volga, uninhabited territories around Churkinsky Monastery, to the Urals and Terek River region. The paper mentions that the newly converted Kalmyk Christians migrated to the granted lands but retained their ethnic status. Furthermore, despite being virtually isolated from fellow tribesmen and being nominally referred to as Orthodox Christians, those newly converted Kalmyks kept professing Buddhism whatever remote regions of Russia they inhabited, and despite great distances between those Kalmyk families they perceived themselves as members of the Kalmyk ethnos. The fact that the newly converted Kalmyks kept perceiving Buddhism as their national religion and thus remained committed to it was due to a number of reasons including: numerical superiority of Buddhist clergymen over Orthodox missionaries within Kalmyk communities, special emphasis laid by the missionaries upon sheer quantitative indices during Christianization of Buddhist populations, etc. Thus, the relative isolation of the newly converted and resettled Kalmyks guaranteed no Russianization of theirs, nor that they had adopted lifestyle patterns of ethnic Russians. As a result, positions and influences of the Kalmyk Buddhist clergy on their compatriots were too strong despite the imposed measures for administrative control over their activities. So, Buddhism proved one of the key factors in resisting the policy of Christianization of the Kalmyks and served as an important socio-cultural element of the emerging ethnic identity.

The article considers some topical issues from the history of captivity and slave-trade on the southern frontiers in the late 17th – early 18th centuries. The mentioned territory comprised border areas of Russia, the Crimean Khanate and Ottoman Empire in the Northeast Azov Region and Kuban. The paper also deals with some aspects of international relations and the history of border communities. Efforts undertaken by both Russia and the Ottoman Empire aimed to reshape the borders in the region resulted in changes not only in Russian-Crimean relations but also in Russian-Turkish ones. The period witnessed changes in the conditions for nomadic raids by the population of the Crimean Khanate involved in hostage-taking activities primarily in Russia’s territories on a regular basis. The boundary lines of Southern Russia were essentially reshaped. The Crimean Khanate, Ottoman Empire and Russia would strengthen control over migrations of border communities and scrutinize into emerging border disputes. The trends intensified after the 1700 Treaty of Constantinople signed between the Tsardom of Russia and the Ottoman Empire which significantly reduced a ‘window of opportunities’ for Crimean nomads (including diverse Nogai groups) to further organize such raids. Still, the new historical conditions had a certain impact on different border communities (Kalmyks, Don Cossacks) that had been traditionally involved in activities related with hostage-taking, such as hostage exchange and ransom. The disruption of the long-established border lifestyles in the steppe areas put no end to such raids, slavery or slave-trade, but definitely altered the directions, geography and a list of participants. Thus, Azov became one of the centers for so called ransom operations after 1696. With evidence from documentary sources, the article investigates lives of a number of Russian individuals captured by Nogais of Akhreian Cossacks from Kuban, analyzes lists of participants of some ransom operations and reveals that the latter were attended by representatives of different social and ethnic groups from both sides of the border. The study emphasizes the forms and means hostages turned to in search of liberation. Strategies of such hostages varied in Kuban, and either did attitudes (towards them) of Nogais and other individuals engaged in their transportation from Kuban to Azov. Ottoman Turks, Nogais, Armenians, Kuban Cossack Old Believers (Akhreians) were those who dealt with such ransom activities. The paper also pays special attention to terms of slave ransom bargains that were largely based on traditions of the preceding era.

The article examines the participation of Cossacks in the implementation of the Russian Government’s plans to create a network of stationary settlements along the roads passing through the territory of Astrakhan Governorate. The paper investigates the Russian administration’s 18th century policy aimed to establish such settlements, shows the role of Cossacks in the process, summarizes the results of implementation of those projects. The work uses materials of researchers from the Lower Volga Region and documents from the Russian State Archive of Ancient Acts, Russian State Archive of Military History.
The paper notes that during the period under consideration one of the main directions of Russia’s policies in the region was the attraction of immigrants and creation of permanent settlements. At the same time, the implementation of an active resettlement policy was constrained by the absence of established and recognized borders (in the south) between Russia and neighboring states and peoples of the North Caucasus. The state could guarantee no security for the migrants and, in turn, Astrakhan Governorate’s office lacked human resources to implement such an active resettlement policy. In the then situation of affairs, the authorities ― not to disperse the scarce human and material resources ― focused on the creation and peopling of fortified military lines, as well as the establishment of most important land communications. In the long term all this opened wide opportunities for the initiation of large-scale migrations. At that stage, Cossacks were recognized as the most suitable contingent since they more adapted ― than other classes and social groups ― to live under the conditions of the frontier. By the late 18th century the Government with the help of Cossacks managed to establish settlements along the Volga part of the strategically important strategic road Moscow – Kizlyar, but the harsh natural conditions of the region and the exhausted resources of the Cossacks made it impossible to people the road Astrakhan – Kizlyar. After the Azov – Mozdok fortified line (virtually Russia’s border in the south) was created in the 1770s, there emerged good opportunities for further broad peasant colonization, and the Cossacks ceased to be regarded as one of the major contributors to the peopling of Astrakhan Governorate.

The article discusses the process of laying the legislative foundations for the national state of Tuvans. The 1921 decision on the establishment of a nation-state resulted in the emergence
of the new legal framework for democratic development which started with the adoption of the basic law ― Constitution of 1921. The frst stage in the history of the Tuvan People’s Republic, from 1921 to 1929, was important and essential for the development of the state. During the period, the legal system was somewhat controversial. The state was headed by former offcials, noyons (‘princes’), who should have held a completely different domestic policy for the construction of socialism. This determined the coexistence of old and new standards. Evolutionary changes in social relations laid the basis for a gradual transition to an industrial society. And, most likely, it was not that dramatic for the people. Any political and social upheavals were fraught with adverse consequences. The rapid change in Tuva’s political system and social structure aggravated by disregard of the actual conditions
of social development led to a distortion of the ideas of democracy.
During the second phase of development, from 1929 to 1944, there was an abrupt change in the
course of the party and state on the path of socialist construction. The then all-Soviet processes were
fully reflected in the development policy of the Tuvan People’s Republic. In 1929, the historical 8th Congress of the Tuvan People’s Revolutionary Party was held which declared the fght against
‘right-wing deviations’ within the party and defned new social development objectives that consisted in following the socialist path. By the time, young administrators had been trained who gradually
superseded all the former political leaders. The adoption of the new policy by the Central Committee of the party resulted in a transformation of the legal system. The Party of the Tuvan People’s
Republic became the primary authority within the system of political institutions. Gradually, the legal framework was patterned by that of the Soviets and completely replaced in 1940. Thus, the conditions
for the subsequent incorporation by the USSR had been prepared.

The paper deals with activities by members of Kalmykia’s republican office of the All-Union Leninist Young Communist League (Rus. VLKSM) and non-associate young individuals in the post-occupation period mirrored in the pages of the Leninsky Put (‘Lenin’s way’) newspaper. Materials of periodicals contained in the funds of the National Archives of Kalmykia testify of increased patriotism among youths and their work for the good of the motherland. Analysis of articles published in Leninsky Put ― a primary publication of the Kalmyk Executive Committee and Elista City Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) ― reveals some patriotic youth initiatives, self-sustained activities of the younger generation manifested in new forms of labor, such as dekadnik (‘a ten days’ work’), mesyachnik (‘a month-long work’), movements of stakhanovsty and foremost workers who overfilled the prescribed norms. The published materials that dealt with the topic expressed the deep meaning of unity between those engaged in defending hostilities and the domestic front. 
At the same time, the analysis of printed materials testifies that special attention was paid to the economic restoration, diverse fundraising arrangements for the republic, country and Red Army. Approximately half of 1943 published materials of Leninsky Put examined multiple fundraising activities voluntarily performed by the republican youth. Such works could significantly vary from outdoor cleaning and sanitary treatment of streets and buildings to farming operations, reconstruction of residential and office facilities, creation and restoration of farm vehicles and implements. Both youths and schoolchildren joined such economic restoration activities that were held both at places of residence and at the district / republican levels.
Every sixth article described fundraising arrangements initiated by the youth. Such arrangements included collecting of money, seeds and farm implements for rural activities, and also that of presents for Red Army soldiers, ferrous and non-ferrous scrap metal. 
The examined printed materials of Leninsky Put once again confirm the fact that throughout the republic the younger generation directed all their efforts for the good of the common motherland. Not to take anything away from the print media’s mobilization of youths for more productive labor, but the newspaper covered no issues of political cleansing against Komsomol members that had cooperated with the fascist occupants, ignored such problems as youth crime, though there were standing heads as ‘Court’ and ‘Public Prosecution’.

The article deals with regional features of formation and development of local self-government authorities as institutions of civil society, analyzes some main stages, examines federal and regional laws and regulations aimed to reform corresponding power structures.
At the initial formation stage, the former city and district Councils of People’s Deputies were terminated, and their powers were transferred to corresponding local self-government agencies. Thereafter, efforts were made to clarify regional features of formation of political systems and local self-government bodies.
In Kabardino-Balkaria, the transition period witnessed a rigid vertical power structure: chairmen selected by (and from) members of self-government councils were appointed heads of city and district executive offices just according to presidential decrees. In turn, heads of city and district executive offices appointed chairmen selected by (and from) deputies of local self-government councils as heads of village, settlement or stanitsa (Rus. ‘a village inside a Cossack host’) executive offices. The fact that same individuals held positions in both representative and executive authorities aimed to eliminate the risk of any confrontation between the two branches of power at the local level. 
In Kalmykia, district and Elista city executive offices were headed by presidential representatives appointed and released from office by the president of the republic only. In villages, settlements and district-level towns those were presidential representatives who appointed heads (Kalm. akhlachi) of executive offices; thus, presidential representatives, village and town heads established a unified system of executive power subordinate to the president of the republic.
During the transition period, such restructurization of public and local authorities helped avoid confrontation between powers and facilitated the efficient functioning of local self-government agencies and the whole political system in general, thus contributing to stabilizing the ethno-political situation in the regions.
The paper also studies arrangements of state authorities regarding execution of the Federal Law of October, 6 2003 On General Principles of Organization of Local Government in the Russian Federation and the Roadmap for Administrative Reform (2006–2008). As a result, a new self-governance model was developed in the regions: formation of representative bodies through elections, appointment of a head of the local executive office by the self-government council following the results of a corresponding competition, delineation of powers between public and local authorities. It is noteworthy that territorial changes in a number of municipalities without due regard of residents’ opinions lead to degradations of socio-political discourse.
The work summarizes joint experiences of municipal authorities and public associations aimed to develop institutions of local self-governance and civil society. Special attention is paid to problems that hamper formation of local self-government as an independent social institution, thus determining some prospects for the development of local self-governance in the republics.

he paper elaborates on some recent developments in the shamanistic worldview witnessed by the author during a series of field trips to the region of Buryatia in Russia’s Siberia. Unlike most the world religions, shamanism is not a rigid, dogmatic set of beliefs, as its flexible nature and the absence of any canonic books allow shamans and their clients gradually change significantly both their theory and practice as the society and its milieu develops. As such, new phenomena and new interpretations of the old beliefs can appear constantly resulting in that shamanism always stays in tune with times and epochs fulfilling its traditional mission of keeping the balance in relations between the world of humans and the world of spirits, albeit sometimes doing it in somewhat different ways as compared to previous ages. This general flexibility of shamanism and its adaptive nature are the premises of both its surprising invincibility and its recent revival. At the same time, it makes fieldwork and close observation of the currently practicing shamans especially important as any records of those constantly appearing new practices help researchers understand their nature even before they can become common.
The paper relates about one of the author’s personal encounters with an urban shaman in Buryatia during which the latter rejected a standard ‘shaman set’ he was offered for performing a ritual. As explained by the shaman himself, this was done so because it was too cheap and as such was contrary to the shaman’s view that only through sending ‘prestigious’ gifts one can secure assistance from equally ‘prestigious’, and as such, efficient spirits. Impressed by this modern interpretation of the traditional worldview, the author moves on to assume that contemporary shamans may now view the world of spirits in the same fashion as the world of humans is interpreted by the consumer society proponents. That is, a world where an individual is assigned his or her place in the social hierarchy according to his or her consumption model. The paper further argues that this surprising flexibility of shamanism is not just a challenge to the ethnology purists but rather a manifestation of shaman’s closeness to the common people and their needs and as such serving as a guarantor of its general effectiveness and invincibility.

Beliefs and rituals related to the commemoration of the dead are widespread enough among the Mordvinian people and have been studied by a number of ethnographers and ethnologists. However, the memorial cult has been no subject of any special research from this perspective. The bulk of data accumulated by scientists along with some new field materials make it possible to characterize the essence and reasons for the emergence of such beliefs and superstitions. The fundamental belief of the Mordva which serves the basis for the whole of the memorial ceremony is that souls of the dead can come from the other world to visit their relatives. So, the Erzya Mordvins believed that the soul of the deceased visited his/her relatives before the fortieth day after the burial, and to help it find the way home candles were to be kept burning. On the eve of the commemoration day people went to the cemetery and invited the soul of the deceased into the house. Before sitting down to the meal, relatives and the soul were supposed to visit a heated sauna. On the fortieth day (the ‘commemoration date’) and in some Mordovian settlements also on the third anniversary of death, relatives and friends prepared clothes for the deceased. E.g., for men such clothes included a new shirt, bast shoes, and a belt. On the eve of a funeral feast for the deceased those were laid out on a bench in the ‘red corner’ with a burning candle above for purification. After the memorial meal, close relatives took the clothes to the cemetery and spread them over the grave. In winter, when it was impossible to reach the churchyard with such clothes, those were spread on the porch of the house. And during storms those were laid in the anteroom. After the commemoration ceremony the clothes were given to a person who resembled the deceased person in appearances and character. According to popular beliefs, being subtly material, the soul of the deceased also needed food. Therefore, it was treated not only by family members but also by invited relatives. No one came to the house of the deceased with empty hands. The food they brought would be placed on a table in the front log house which was a means to please the deceased. Treating the newly-departed one relatives also regaled their ancestors. Each of them was invited to the table by name. On the days of Orthodox memorial services performed for the deceased right in the cemetery, the Mordvins arrange memorial feasts on the grave, and relatives to commemorate the deceased pretend that the deceased takes part in the meal. The deceased is treated to food and drinks, takes part in the conversation, and the grave is sprinkled with drops of drinks and dishes, with flat cakes put thereby. The reason for the emergence of such superstitions consists in the logical chain of belief in afterlife.

To reconstruct the true history of Mongolic peoples it is of utmost importance to investigate the process of formation of their peripheral ethnic communities. The article examines the history of formation of the understudied Mongolic ethnos of New Barghuts (Mong. Shine Barga) residing in Northeast China (prefecture-level city of Hulunbuir, Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region). Before moving to Hulunbuir, the mentioned group had been a part of the Baikal tribe Khori. In the 13th century, the steppe Mongols referred to the population inhabiting the Baikal region as ‘Bargut’ which was due to the name of the territory ― Bargujin Tokum. In the 17th century, the given nickname was most often used to denote the Khori clans who were tributaries and subordinates to Tsetsen Khan. By orders of the Mongolian Khan, they would form ancillary military units within corresponding troops, which would keep them long in Eastern Khalkha. Those were the Manchu people who virtually invaded Mongolia and, following suit of the Mongols, started calling the Transbaikalia Khori ― ‘Barghuts’. Having conquered Southern Mongolia, they proceeded with the establishment of a banner system in Khalkha. In Tsetsen Khan Aimag, the Khori people were also included in a banner. Between 1655 and 1670, for contribution to the powerful state and army the Manchu court bestowed upon them an honorable name ‘New’, which became a component of the common name of the New Barghuts. In 1734, the Qing authorities resettled the Khori people to Hulunbuir making them frontier guards. There were to form some eight banners, i.e. one military-administrative unit. It was there where the loss of relations with the former motherland and ultimate separation from their fellow tribesmen of the Baikal Region caused by the 1727 establishment of China-Russia border resulted in the Khori people experienced dramatic transformations of their ethnic identity and name. The mentioned processes predetermined that the name ‘Barghut’ along with the word ‘New’ got an ethnic coloring and from then onward was perceived as an ethnonym, and they started recognizing themselves as a separate, independent ethnos of Shine Barga. In this context, the Khori genealogical myth about Khoridoi Mergen got significantly transformed within the social consciousness of the New Barghuts. The new ethnic identity lead to a radical restructuring of their ethnic composition. The final stage in the process of formation of the New Barghut community took place in the late 19th century.

The article considers legends and oral narratives reflecting the history of Buddhism’s dissemination in Mongolia and Tuva. Our analysis of Sharayin Shazhynnyn Dopchu Töögüzü (A Brief History of the Yellow Religion ― Buddhism) ― a text from the Scientific Archive of the Tuvan Institute for Humanities Research and Applied Socio-Economic Studies — shows that its plot contains some common elements and motifs typical for manuscripts, and – it terms of its contents, structure and formal external characteristics – vaguely resembles Tibetan-Mongolian historiographic works (choi-zhun) by medieval educated Mongolian monks describing the history of Buddhism’s emergence and dissemination in India, Tibet, China and Mongolia. The text might deal with an important historical event ― construction of Mongolia’s first Buddhist temple, i.e. the Erdene Zuu Monastery erected under the auspices of Abatai Khan; the text also mentions a senior clergyman and politician of 17th century Mongolia ― Bogd Öndör Gegeen, the abbot of Ikh Khuree, who was the first to receive the title of Jebtsundamba Khutuktu from the 5th Dalai Lama of Tibet in 1650. The paper provides other examples and shows that such oral narratives of Tuvinians often contained somewhat transformed Buddhist plots which had largely lost their historical significance due to multiple changes resulting in the fact those no longer resembled their literary originals (if there had been any). At the same time, along with magic and fairy-tale elements, one can definitely trace features of some historical events in such compositions. The study concludes that Tuvan legends and oral narratives reflecting the history of Buddhism’s dissemination in Mongolia and Tuva are based on a number of genres of medieval historiographic Tibetan-Mongolian literature, such as choi-zhun (history of Buddhism), lor-zhus (chronicles, history), nam-tar (biographies), etc. Thus, multiple texts compiled by medieval academic Mongolian lamas had become widespread in Tuva in the form of legends and oral traditions.

Academic studies and theoretical comprehension of the Jangar Epic had long been solely based on materials of the Kalmyk version discovered over 150 years before the Xinjiang Oirat tradition was introduced into scientific discourse, which had largely determined the establishment and development of Jangar studies as a research discipline. Since the 1980s, numerous texts of the Xinjiang Oirat version have been published, thus revealing a formidable original national epic tradition that has become integral to present-day Jangar studies.
At the initial stage, Jangar studies in China consisted in collecting and publishing diverse episodes (chapters) of the epic monument. Within quite a short period of time common efforts resulted in multiple recordings of both complete and incomplete episodes of epic texts, i.e. a total of 70 songs and 150 variants.
Epic studies by academic folklorists in the PRC initially examined the actual performing schools of the Jangar, peculiarities of the tale-telling tradition inherent to Xinjiang Oirats. Areal traditions of the Xinjiang version of the epic were investigated by Liu Shiu who pointed out some specific features typical for different ethnic groups. The famous scholar T. Jamtso paid great attention to dissemination and preservation of the Xinjiang Oirat epic tradition, and concluded that essentially taletellers could be referred to somewhat old and new formations respectively. The Xinjiang Oirat tradition stems from Central Asian epic entity and is characterized by typological unity and stability. According to T. Jamtso, variability of texts is linguistically determined by the origins and status of a certain jangarchi (Kalm. ‘epic reciter’). The variable nature of the version is also explained by regional peculiarities of different traditions and result in separate studies of epic traditions existing in different areas. In this regard, one should stress the influence of the written tradition on the oral one, and the role of bookish epic texts in the Xinjiang Oirat oral tradition. The vast majority of researchers mention the oral tradition of the Jangar in Xinjiang, but there had also existed a written tradition that gave rise to a number of epic texts (manuscripts). With evidence from predecessors’ experiences, D. Taya investigates a set of questions related to the history of the Jangar epic tradition, its dissemination, characteristics of early and later jangarchis, traditions of performing schools, customs and rituals accompanying the recitation process and their meanings. Researches by Chinese scholars also touch upon the debating point as to when and how the Epic of Jangar took shape. Zh. Rinchindorji characterizes the Jangar as a fairy-tale based literary composition which developed into a huge multiversion narrative between the 13th and 17th centuries. He attempts to confirm his conclusions by references to the main contents of the epic reflecting an internal struggle of the Oirats against aliens, and distinguishes between some main plot and co-occurring ones, the core of the composition and some secondary elements. T. Jamtso provides an overview of interpretations of the name ‘Jangar’ existing in both the Xinjiang Oirat and Mongolian traditions, and sets forth an original hypothesis: ‘jangar’ is etymologically Oirat, while the phrases ‘Jangar-Khan’ and ‘Bogdo Noyon Jangar’ can be translated as ‘an ingenious ruler of the state’ and ‘a wise khan of the northern state of Bumba’ respectively.
Thus, epic studies of the Xinjiang Oirat version of the Jangar in China develop and deal with topical issues of the current trends and peculiarities inherent to the tale-telling tradition, areal traditions, dissemination and preservation of the epic, its typology and variable nature, genesis and formation activities. Epic studies and publications of the Xinjiang Oirat version provide wide opportunities for comparative and typological investigations of the literary monument.

The article examines the legend of the first jangarchi (Kalm. ‘reciter of the Jangar epic’) in poems of such Kalmyk poets as David Kugultinov and Basang Dordzhiev.
When it came to choose between two legends ― of a man or a girl to have performed the first song about Jangar and his heroes ― the young poets preferred the legend called ‘The Birth of Jangariada’, thus underlying the Jangar epic’s recitational practices in the context of gender.
Each of the poems by these authors has two variants written at different times.
D. Kugultinov’s Jangarchi Küükn (Jangarchi Girl) was included in his first book Baγ Nasna Shülgüd (Poems of the Youth, 1940). The epigraph containing words of an elderly jangarchi was used to establish a connection between the legend of the first jangarchi and Jangarchi Küükn. The poem ― apart from the title and epigraph ― consists of 35 unversed lines. The 1963 and 1981 editions ― apart from the title and epigraph ― contain already 40 lines divided in 10 quatrains. As compared to the first variant, the second one was essentially restructured not only in terms of its form but also in terms of contents.
D. Kugultinov’s poem depicts a girl who sings a song to Jangar’s heroes. According to the 1940 text, the girl sings to Jangar Khan and his warriors, according to the 1963/1981 texts ― to Jangar’s heroes. The first variant pays great attention to the girl’s beauty, while the second one basically characterizes the heroes. Variant one also mentions no musical accompaniment, there is no motif of the warriors’ self-understanding via the song, nor can one trace any motif of kneeling to the girl who thus virtually immortalized their deeds of valor.
Our comparative analysis of the 1940 and 1963/1981 editions has showed that the author turned to different strategies to reproduce the folklore plot, structural and compositional features, artistic and pictorial devices, epic formulas, rhyme system, to combine unrhymed lines, different types anaphora ― sound, lexical and syntactical ones. From a perspective of its form, the initial variant is incomplete, while the second one testifies of the attained poetic mastery.
The Russian translation by Ya. Kozlovsky clarifies the poetics of the second variant of the original text.
B. Dordhiev’s To Jangarchi Girl (1941, 1959) is essentially comic and proves a poetic reechoing of D. Kugultinov’s text. Variant one contains 9 quatrains and 36 lines, and in the second variant 32 lines divided into two parts consisting of 20 and 12 lines respectively.
Both the variants begin with an appeal to the jangarchi girl where the poet admires her beauty and talent, thus entering a competition for her love with poets David Kugultinov and Lidzhi Indzhiev. He introduces the names of his friends and shows his knowledge of their works, e.g., when reconsiders the motif of dream from D. Kugultinov’s poem.
Turning to the legend of the first jangarchi, both David Kugultinov and Basang Dordzhiev displayed different poetic strategies, but they were united in the aspiration to pay tribute to the folk genius. The choice of a jangarchi girl as the main character was evidently determined by their intention to underline the grand role of female taletellers.
Both the compositions are folklore-related in terms of their form and contents. In Kugultinov’s works, the folklore tradition can be traced in the plot, epic formulas, metaphors, and is revealed in the fact that the poet compares the girl to the fabulous beauty Aragni Dagni. In Dordzhiev’s works, the folklore tradition manifests itself in parallels between the girl’s beauty and that of the moon, an eternal star.
The difference between D. Kugultinov’s variants is determined by improvements of form and contents, and that of Dorzhievs’ ― by a reduction of the text (by the last quatrain) and softening of the playful intonation.

The demographic situation in rural territories is currently characterized as ‘unfavorable’ and requires closer consideration of corresponding behaviors in the rural population. The republic of Kalmykia clusters with regions of natural population increase and negative migration balance. The trend is most evident in its rural areas. A statistical analysis shows that between 2012 and 2016 the natural increase rates in the country are lower than those of the urban population; which is contrary the traditional state of affairs with birthrates among the rural residents exceeding those among city dwellers. A comparison of cumulative birthrates of both the rural and urban populations testifies that the mentioned state of things existed till 2013, and in subsequent years the cumulative urban birthrate has been higher than the rural population. In an effort to estimate Kalmykia’s demographic potential, an opinion poll aimed to reveal the reproductive attitudes of the regional population was conducted. Most respondents declared they expected to have two or three children. Reproductive expectations of rural informants proved higher than those of city respondents. Our comparison of answers about expected and desired parities shows that with all circumstances required at hand the share or respondents inclined to have three and more children increases. While possession of many children is planned by 58,5 % of the respondents, this share may reach 68,5 % with all required conditions available. Analysis of answers given by urban and rural informants shows that provided they have all related opportunities, 59,8 % of urban residents and 71,7 % of rural dwellers do not exclude the possibility of giving birth to three and more children. The case study concludes that reproductive attitudes (expectations) of the rural population are higher than the ones developed by Kalmykia’s urban population.