The paper discusses a transformation of views of Mongolia’s authorities upon Tuva’s status (Uriankhai) after the 1911 proclamation of independence of Mongolia in the context of relations between Mongolia, Tuva and Russia. The lack of legal fixation of the Uriankhai issue’s solution by the Russian Empire and Mongolia created uncertainty and laid a basis for further territorial disputes. During the period of monarchy in Mongolia (1911–1921), Mongolian authorities considered Tuva to be a part of Mongolia proceeding from the fact that under the Qing rule the Uriankhai region had been subordinate to the authorities of Western Mongolia. Tuva itself displayed quite a spectrum of opinions regarding its new status, the prevailing being that of independence from both Mongolia and Russia, while very few were inclined towards China. Taking advantage of this uncertainty, the Republic of China attempted to ‘return’ Outer Mongolia together with Uriankhai to their control laying ‘hereditary’ claim to all territories of the collapsed Qing Empire which had once included China itself, Mongolia, and Uriankhai. The failure of these attempts resulted from the liberation of Outer Mongolia by Baron R. F. Ungern (1886–1921), and a subsequent establishment of the Soviet influence over Mongolia and Tuva. During the direct aftermath of the Mongolian People’s Party’s rise to power in the summer of 1921, the main trend of the Mongolian policy towards Tuva remained the same as it had been before the Mongolian Revolution, but there emerged more and more statements regarding self-determination of the people of Tuva. Inside the latter ― even after the People’s Revolutionary Party of Tuva came to power ― two main trends took shape, namely: a trend towards independence and that of joining Mongolia. The key arguments of those who supported the latter position were similarity of Tuva and Mongolia’s peoples in terms of their historical backgrounds, customs, religion, writing system, etc. The course towards Tuva’s independence together with pro-communist ideas supported by its government resulted in rebellions of 1923 and 1924 that were successfully quelled by the then Tuvan authorities with the assistance of Soviet Russia and pro-Soviet Mongolia. The official recognition of Tuva’s independence by the Mongolian People’s Republic ― under a direct influence of the Soviets ― also meant a legal fixation of Mongolia’s northern borderline. The article also provides a number of previously unpublished documents.

The article examines an understudied episode in the history of the Kalmyk Khanate ― participation of Kalmyk horse troops in the Persian (Derbent) Campaign of 1722. And that was during the campaign when the first ― and most memorable ― meeting between the Russian Tsar Peter the Great and the Kalmyk Khan Ayuka took place. The main question discussed at the negotiations was that of Kalmyk horse troops to join the military expedition. Outcomes of the meeting proved positive enough, the only contestable issue to settle being the number of cavalry units to be dispatched. As was reported by contemporaries, the political status of the Kalmyk Khan was significant enough within the imperial hierarchy, which definitely stirred both astonishment and curious assessments.
The paper concludes the military campaign exemplifies somewhat multivalued external policies conducted by the Kalmyk ruler that rather characterize the latter as an independent politician who tended to make original decisions without strict adherence to Russia’s interests only. The available documents testify that despite the stressful international situation Ayuka maintained good neighborly relations with some North Caucasus rulers, including those of Dagestan. Right before the Persian Campaign the Kalmyk Khanate pursued active relations with the Crimea and Kuban Horde. Still, the Russian Government was well aware of the contacts and did not intend to mar relations with the Kalmyk ruler, since it hoped to make use of Kalmyk horsemen in its confrontation against the Ottoman Empire and Persia.
The participation of Kalmyk horsemen in the Derbent expedition proved actually neither mass nor crucial, and was largely limited to punitive operations in the territory of North Dagestan against separate chieftains of Usmey and Utemysh districts who displayed strongest resistance to the Russian troops. Thus, the then Kalmyk-Kumyk relations were basically good-neighborly, which is evident from the Kalmyk Khan’s efforts to warn Kumyk landlords about the imminent danger in the form of the invading Russian army.
However, Ayuka completely supported the conquering policies conducted by Peter the Great since during the latter’s reign Kalmyk horse troops participated in virtually all Russia’s wars, including those in the North Caucasus. But Khan Ayuka’s motives were not limited to Russian geopolitical interests only. So, Terek Nogais captured by Kalmyks in the course of the Derbent expedition were subsequently resettled to the Volga region. This again shows that first and foremost Ayuka pursued his own interests and made every effort possible to take advantage of any political situation.

The article summarizes data on findings from Stavropol neighborhood to characterize the material military culture of people that inhabited the Stavropol Upland in the pre-Scythian period.
The work investigates the evidence of the existence of a metallurgical center which produced arms and horse tack in the Stavropol Plateau in the 8th – early 7th centuries BC.
It examines distinctive features of artifacts that characterize the material military culture inherent to the population of the Stavropol Upland during the pre-Scythian era. Quite a variety of arms have been discovered in a number of burials and graves dated back to the 9th – early 7th cc. BC (cultural layers) and located in Stavropol’s neighborhood, namely: stone hammers (1), bimetallic knives (2), hatchets and axes (2), spears (1), quiver sets (bone arrowheads: stemmed and socketed ones of pyramidal shape (6); bronze arrowheads: flat ones (2); socketed arrowheads with leaf-shaped and rhombic heads (10)). All the metal elements have analogues within Novocherkassk period complexes dated to the 8th – early 7th cc. BC. In addition to different types of weapons, separate parts of pre-Scythian horse tack were discovered, e.g., bronze single- and double-jointed bits (2 sets), bronze psalia with a curved blade (5), bronze plaques (oval, crescent), and one bronze tip-holder for reins (1). All items are typical for sets of horse tack dated to the 8th – early 7th cc. BC. The conducted comparative study of arms and horse tacks from archaeological monuments of the Stavropol Upland and burials of the Koban culture located in sub-mountainous and mountainous Central Ciscaucasia emphasizes their similarity, which testifies of the spread of highlanders’ metallurgy traditions in the 8th – early 7th cc. BC in the far more northern ― i. e. steppe ― regions of the Ciscaucasia.
It is believed nowadays that during the pre-Scythian period there had been only two centers for the production of horse tack in Ciscaucasia ― Kuban Region and sub-mountainous Ciscaucasia. Still, such significant findings suggest between the 8th – early 7th cc. BC within present-day Stavropol neighborhood there had been another center where metal elements of horse harness and weapons had been cast ― in the territory of the Stavropol Upland.

In 1982, rescue excavations of several mound groups were undertaken in Oktyabrsky District of the Kalmyk ASSR. The works revealed a number of burials made by different ethnic groups that had inhabited the mentioned territory within a wide time span – between the 4th millennium BC and the 12th century AD.
The study is a continuation of efforts to introduce into scientific discourse – a range of unpublished materials describing multi-temporal archeological surveys in the territory of the Republic of Kalmykia. It examines 6 burials dated by the author of the excavation report to the period of medieval late nomads. The term ‘late nomads’ stands for quite a wide number of medieval nomadic groups. And the last 50 years have witnessed an increasing interest towards problems of nomadism and related questions of historiography of medieval nomads. Archeological surveys have been expanded, including the archeological source database dealing with medieval nomadic communities.
Analysis of the 1982 excavation report revealed a more precise period for the existence of ethnic groups to have made the burials under consideration, i.e. between the 8th and 10th centuries AD when the area was inhabited by Pechenegs, Torkils (Oghuzes), and Cumans respectively. All the 6 burials are single, 3 of them being part of a Bronze Age barrow, while the rest had separate and comparatively small mounds of their own. Five burials were made in rectangular graves, and only one burial contained an insignificant backing (semi-backing) in its southern grave wall and a stair-step in its northern wall where a taxidermied horse had been placed. Other burials also contained horse bones, and the ones that had none there were discovered elements of horse tack.
Graves of virtually all six burials were equipped with wooden boards. Bone remains in two burials had been disarranged, the pose and alignment of only one of the latter determined. The burial inventories included iron items (basically elements of horse tack), bronze decorative products (mirrors, adornments, reins), wooden objects (spoked wheels, combs); as for weapons, only one quiver was discovered, and no bow remains mentioned. No traces of any clayware were found.
With evidence from materials of the excavation report, the paper reconstructs design plans of the burials and examines the surviving archeological finds. Further investigations shall determine the actual ethnic origins of individuals from the selected burials.

The ethnic composition of the ethnoterritorial group of Shunduya Khamnigans is of great interest in connection with studies of the ethnic history of the two territories ― Baikal Region and Ergune (Argun) Region. Although each of these regions is marked by unique ethnogenetic processes, in ancient times and the Middle Ages the ethnic history of these regions was integral to the ethnogenesis of not only the whole of Inner Asia, but also reveals somewhat Far Eastern ties with the Khingan-Amur Region. The Khitan people and subsequently the Daur population to have come into close contact with both the Tungus-Manchu and Barga-Buryat populations thus established a special layer ― the Khamnigans. However, in Russian documents the entire population of the Urulginskaya Steppe Duma, and the Shunduya District as its part, were referred to as ‘Tungus’. It should be taken into account that according to the 17th – 19th cc. Russian documents the Tungus population comprised different communities, including Daurs who together with Solons actually formed the backbone of this territorial group. Tribes referred to as ‘Dalat’, ‘Dolot’, ‘Zaltut’, ‘Kancelut’ can be well recognized as Daur population. The problem of the origin of the Namiats who had long remained in the Baikal Region influenced by the Barga-Buryat ethnogenetic processes is also interesting enough. The origin of the Uliat reflects the complex processes of connections between the Quriqan-Bargut population of the Baikal Region and the population of Ergune (Argun) Region. The Tungusic stratum was represented by the Chelkagirs who came from the valley of Barguzin and where the rest of this is tribe is still known as Chilchagir. The Duligats represented the Solon population.
Studies of ethnic composition of the Shunduya Khamnigans makes it possible to single out several different layers that took part not only in the ethnogenesis of the Buryats, the Daur and Solons, but also the neighboring Tungus-Manchu and Mongol peoples, which indicates the inextricable link between the history of this subregion with Central Asia and North Siberia.

The article examines the published excerpt from A History of Tsam in Mongolia, a historical work by the Abbot of Gandan Monastery (Ulaanbaatar) ka-chu Erdenipel (1877–1960) who was one of the last representatives of the classical Mongolian academic tradition with expertise in Buddhist literature and held the position of Gandan’s Abbot after the 1944 reinstatement of religious services. As compared to many other educated Buddhists of Mongolia, he is distinguished for written literacy in both Tibetan and Mongolian. Still, only few his works survived to the present day. E.g., he is known to have written Khor-Choijun (A History of Religion in Mongolia) but the work was never discovered, and only a Russian translation of part one is available nowadays. According to Ts. Damdinsuren’s diaries, historical works of the priest were kept by his student Dangaasuren who attempted to publish them. Acad. Ts. Damdinsuren’s House Museum (Ulaanbaatar) stores two Mongolian-language works by Erdenipel ― A History of Khambo Nomyn Khans of Ikh Khüree and A History of Tsam in Mongolia. The composition about Tsam is a manuscript written in ink and feather. Ts. Damdinsuren’s inscription says the text was composed in 1942. And the autograph may very possibly have been made by Erdenipel himself. It contains a number of marks and corrections that could have been made by the author only.
A History of Tsam in Mongolia comprises a brief introduction and a list of Mongolian monasteries indicating whether and which specific kind of Tsam (dance) used to be arranged there. The introduction relates about origins of Tsam supposed to have developed from magic rites of Indian Yogâcâryas who made use of special garments and ritual objects during corresponding performances. Erdenipel concludes Tsam appeared in Tibet during the second (‘later’) dissemination of Buddhism, i.e. after the 11th century AD. Moreover, Tsam was initially performed by monks of the Red Hat sects, while the Yellow Hat Gelugpa introduced Tsam into its rites only under the 1st Panchen Lama Chӧkyi Gyaltsen in Tashilhunpo and Namgyal Monasteries in the late 16th – 17th centuries.
After that Erdenipel starts explaining the meanings of Tsam moves supposed to suppress anti-religious and anti-human demonic powers, and describes attributes of the mystery characters. Special attention is paid to Tsam characters, such as tarnichi who direct Tsam dancers (the so-called Black Hats), or tarnichi who suppress evil powers (masks of oxen and deer) and act as assistants to the Ruler of Hell Chӧejel, the dead in the form of skeletons, the merciful Hushan, White Old Man, acharyas and others.
The most interesting part is a narrative about the dissemination of Tsam in Mongolia. According to Erdenipel, the beginnings of Tsam in Khalkha Mongolia were laid by the 2nd Khalkha Dzaya Pandita Lobsang Nyandag Geleg Namgyal in 1744, though there is no data about that Tsam. Still, concrete facts testify about a 1787 Tsam performance in Erdene Zuu Monastery where it was initiated by the famous Abbot Nomchi Tsorji Dagvadarj (1734–1803). The dance scheme followed the pattern of Namgyal Monastery (Lhasa) but was supplemented with Tsam characters of Sakya Monastery which significantly influenced the rituals in Erdene Zuu.
The capital of Northern Mongolia ― Ikh Khüree ― first witnessed a Tsam mystery only in 1810. Its principles and scheme also followed the pattern of Tashilhunpo and Namgyal Monasteries. As time passed, the number of Tsam characters increased upon initiatives of different Mongolian public and religious officials. So, there were added masks of lions, Gombo, Chadrabal, Jnanamitra, Dagiradza, Daragsada, Lhamo, etc. Tsam was performed in winters and summers, a complete variant being the privilege of summer ceremonies only.

The article provides an overview of the Buddhist texts collection known according to the Tibetan-language xylographic edition (published in China) as gZungs 'dus. The edition was presented by E. B. Ubushiev (1905–1981), an ex-monk, to the Kalmyk Research Institute of Language, Literature and History. Besides, the collection of old written sources of the Kalmyk Scientific Center of the RAS contains a number of other Oirat-, Mongolian-, and Tibetan-language texts contributed to the Archive since the 1960s, thus forming the bulk of the Rare Manuscripts Fund (Ф–8). Sources in Mongolic languages can also be found in K.V. Orlova’s catalogue. There are only brief unpublished descriptions of separate contributions in the form of lists describing corresponding collections and texts compiled by V. O. Chumatov (Polyaev). The available descriptions and the catalogue ― also unpublished ― contain no mention of the examined collection, which is, to a certain degree, due to the fact the xylograph has no ID title: when received, it was designated as ‘Deed Nomin Toktl’ (Tarnis (Precepts) of the High Teaching).
The canonical and apocriphal works included in the collection basically aimed to constitute somewhat brief corpus of religious texts supposed to represent the Buddhist teaching in its entirety and be applicable in everyday spiritual practices. According to A. M. Pozdneev, since the 17th–18th centuries, minor Buddhist temples of the Mongols, Oirats and Kalmyks would turn to such texts collections in their daily liturgies, being unable to afford complete canonical editions. And their contents were not limited to ceremonial and ritualistic literature only, inter alia comprising Prajñāpāramitā texts, sutras connected with dharanis, jatakas, hymns, etc. The gZungs 'dus also includes a corpus of texts for daily practices and essentially proves an anthology of Buddha’s Teaching. In the context of the current Buddhism’s revival among the Kalmyks and the growth of interest towards Buddhism, such collections do regain topicality.
The texts collection has always been an object of special interest on behalf of Tibetologists and Mongolists (R. Meisezahl, W. Heissig, M. Taube, A. Sazykin, V. Uspensky, K. Kollmar-Paulenz, A. Zorin, A. Sizova, etc.), including nowadays. To date the topical problem is still to identify all lists and variants of the collection from different language editions published in various printing centers of China, Mongolia and Russia (basically in Buryatia).
The paper fills a gap in the history of Kalmyk bookish culture, the history of existence of written sources among the clergy and laity in the 20th century. The study shall facilitate further systematization of knowledge about Tibetan Buddhist texts among the Oirats and Kalmyks, etc.
The Tibetan collection gZungs 'dus from E. B. Ubushiev’s files together with other Buddhist compositions preserved in manuscript collections of Kalmyk monks indicates that there has existed an integral and uninterrupted bookish tradition of Kalmyk Buddhism throughout the 20th and 21st centuries respectively.

The paper examines virtually all Finno-Ugric plant names containing zoosemisms with the meaning ‘sheep’.
A vast majority of such phytonyms can be well found in the Baltic Finnic languages, while their share in other Finno-Permic languages is far less which is supposedly due to the fact patterns of Finnish and Estonian folk phynonymy had been decently collected (registered). The study revealed no similar plant names in the Mordvinic languages ― Erzya and Moksha ― nor were identified any in some other Baltic Finnic languages, such as Vepsian, Votian, and Livonian.
The article considers over 60 compound Finno-Ugric phytonyms containing zoosemisms with the meanings ‘sheep’ and ‘ram’. Still, only few of them can be found among somewhat common nominative patterns of certain languages. And the commonness of patterns by no means implies any commonness (ancientness) of phytonyms’ origins which could be suggested only in rare cases where there is at least fragmentary identity of components of compound names denoting the same plant.
The work concludes that all the plant names considered are essentially compound and consist of two or more components, and that there are no simple phytonyms containing the meaning ‘sheep’ ― except for the Karelian phytonym lampahaiset denoting Antennaria. No plant names to contain over three components have been discovered.
The study identifies two plants the names of which most frequently contain words with the meaning ‘sheep’ ― Plantago and Knautia ― though there is a total of over seventy such plants and mushrooms.
Sometimes zoosemisms with the meaning ‘sheep’ denote mushrooms, as is the case with Finnish, Ingrian, and Mari.
Such plant nominative patterns (models) can be common for a number of genetically related languages. The identified models are as follows: ‘sheep’ + ‘determinant’ or ‘sheep’ + ‘part of the body’. Other nominative models basically function only in one of the examined languages.
The word ‘ram’ acts as a component to the Finnish name of Geum rivale, the Livonian name of the blackberry species Rubus caesius, and the Mari name of Grifola frondosa.
Few plant nominative patterns to contain names of sheep can be discovered beyond the Baltic Finnic languages. In most Finno-Permic languages there are no phytonyms with the meaning ‘sheep’. In general, such ‘sheep’ nominative models within the considered languages are individual enough, and even some rare common models denote different plants, and thus none of them can be recognized as structurally ancient. The study suggests this results from the fact that historically sheep breeding was not widespread evenly among Finno-Ugric peoples, with due regard of certain economic peculiarities, but these issues are completely non-linguistic and cannot be an object of the current research.

The History of Enduurel Khan is a monument of Mongolian literature authored by Zarligiyin Erhet Dalai. There is no detailed description of this 17th-century talented Mongolian monk’s life and deeds. The poetic composition was written by order of Duurgegchi Noyon Tsevden Luvsan Khan in 1662.
Ever since its publication by prof. Ts. Damdinsuren in 1959, researchers have debated whether it is an original work or the author’s edition of another text. Thus, some declare the text is based on the fairy-tale plot ‘evil stepmother’, others suggest that it resembles one certain short story from the collection The Magic Corpse, and still others insist that it is an edition of the Oirat translation of the Buddhist parable The History of Uneker Torliqtu Khan.
The article attempts to resolve the research problem. The Buddhist literary tradition includes a special category of texts to relate about previous births of Lord Buddha and other enlightened beings. One such composition that once became widespread enough ― both in its written and oral forms ― is The History of Uneker Torliqtu Khan.
The comparative analysis of structures and contents of the Mongolian and Oirat versions revealed somewhat common and specific features of the texts respectively. Zarligiyin Erhet Dalai’s work was written in a short span of time (autumn of 1661 – spring of 1662) and is basically less than the Oirat text, containing fewer characters. The plot takes the form of a narrative retelling, and the narrative space of the text is essentially inconsequential. E. g., the beginning of the composition is abundant is direct speech patterns, while its bulk contains none.
So, the conducted analysis concludes that The History of Enduurel Khan is an original poetic text of the author and is not limited with the strict genre framework inherent to Buddhist literature. Zarligiyin Erhet Dalai maintained the unified chain of events, reduced the text, number of characters involved, and thus created an interesting original work based on an Oirat translation of the Buddhist parable The History of Uneker Torliqtu Khan.
The main common feature of the two texts is not somewhat similar plot line but rather a common topic of religious instruction about the salvational powers of Lord Buddha’s Teachings.

The relevance of the research study is determined by the necessity of studying modern Bashkir prose. Particularly, the article aims to identify hierotopy as such and focuses on motifs of works authored by writers to have made a notable contribution to the development of Bashkir prose. The paper shows that the hierotopical theory introduced by A. M. Lidov is applicable for the analysis of hitherto unexplored phenomena ― creation of sacred spaces in Bashkir literature.
A detailed study of art spaces in Bashkir literature has allowed to highlight patterns of hierotopy. Once placed in the foreground as a moral dominance, it can change the hero’s destiny. Hierotopy in modern Bashkir literature can be conventionally considered in several perspectives: some authors associate it with the lyrical image of nature, others ― with the garden, and still others ― with the celestial sphere and even some prayerful condition of a hero.
The research discovered that hierotopy in modern prose is associated with open space, expanding through imagination. Landscapes make it possible to visualize peace, happiness and satisfaction with deeds of the hero, after his ‘enlightenment’. And the key tools in this environment are the sky and gardens to mirror objects, such as trees, rivers, birds singing, that constitute a single two-dimensional environment ― the earthly and the heavenly lives. According to the ancient Turks, within the sacred space there is no place for one of the three worlds ― the world of evil.
Sacral space is a realm of to perceive truth and spirituality, establish ties with the Supreme God, where there are no lies, inhumane or immoral actions. Characters with evil thoughts cannot enter into a dialogue with sacred space, as its foundation is holiness. The splendor of nature and intervention of the great power of human thoughts can contribute to spiritual growth, get him worship the moral ideal. The exclusive priority of the sacred space is that people can enter into dialogue with the heavenly world and obtain rest, peace, inspiration.
The analysis of examined works identifies the following fundamental components of sacral space in Bashkir prose:
1) an idea embodied in reality,
2) a special environment to reveal the essential nature of heroes / characters,
3) a meeting place of physical and spiritual powers for a dialogue,
4) a realm to connect the temporal world and eternity.
The article concludes that in Bashkir prose the image of sacral space provides writers with new elements of creativity and inspiration, allows to better display the unique Bashkir national view of the world.

The article examines specific features of traditional attitudes and evaluation of the ancient era of the world’s creation. The mythological pre-era is referred to by the Evenks as ‘nimngakan bingahin’ (‘time of nimngakan), while the Evens denote it as ‘osidi talang’ (‘time of the ancient narrative’, ‘time of ancient history’). The time periods prior to the beginning of the creation are included in these general concepts, as well as the period of direct creation of deities and the period of improvement of the world.
The time period prior to the beginning of the creation by deities is described in the formulas ‘Dunne acin biche, dunne acin bingkin’ (Evk.) / ‘Erely yak-ta achcha bisin, eidu mo’ (Evn.) ― ‘when there was no earth’; ‘when there was no middle world’. The available texts briefly describe the period prior to the beginning of events as one when there existed deities like Seveki (Evk.) / Havki (Evn.) with their antipodes Khargi (Evk.) / Aringka (Evn.), and they lived in the top world named ‘ugu’ (Evk.) / ‘oin’ (Evn.) over the water ‘mu’ (Evk.) / ‘mo’ (Evn.).
The next stage is reflected in the formula ‘Elekes dunne ovdyarakin’ (Evk.) / ‘Tor elekes baldaddakan’ (Evn.) ― ‘when the earth appeared’ with its subsequent stages of development, when there was growth and blossoming of the earth. Texts of the myth well report about how creators decide to create the earth.
The final stage is the time of blossoming and improvement of the world when the earth’s firmament begins to expand and flourish which is determined by the formula ‘Doolin Dunne (buga) oskechan’ (Evk.) ― ‘when the middle earth revived, appeared/evolved and blossomed finally’ / ‘Titel osidu mut torengnet yak-ta hognari achcha bisin’ (Evn.) ― ‘in olden times nothing was alive in our land’. After the emergence of the earth’s firmament its landscape takes shape, there appear various animals, birds, insects, and the first people. Then mountains and rivers are created. The Creator begins to create vegetation, trees and herbs. To this period the motive is ‘to improve or complete the world’, for example, birds and animals obtain real appearances and qualities. This group of texts begins with a description of the motive-situation ― what was the original of a certain ‘earthly creature’ as created by the Creator. The myths end with the formula ‘Ever since NN became different (gained different, improved appearances)’. A mythological era comes to its end with the improvement of the external and qualitative characteristics of inhabitants of the earth. At the final stage of the mythological era of the creation cycle separate norms of social life in the world of humans and animals are established.
The mythological creation cycle of the Evenks and Evens comes to an end with the formation of a three-part model of the world: the top world is Seveki’s and Havki’s possessions, the middle world gets inhabited by people and other living beings, the antipodes of the Creator ― Khargi and Aringka ― occupy the lower world.
The Evenks and Evens once had common national ideas and beliefs concerning the time of the mythological pre-era, as well as names of periods related to the stages of the earth’s creation.

The article briefly analyzes poetic peculiarities of a most prominent epic composition Bora-Shokar Attyg Boralday (Boralday Who Owns the Horse Named Bora-Shokar) from the repertory of the famous taleteller Khurgul-ool Mongush (1908–1983) who was native of Manchurek located in present-day Sut-Kholsky District of the Tyva Republic. Danzyn-ool Sapyyzhyk-oglu Ondar — another remarkable Sut-Khol taleteller — had been one of Khurgul-ool Mongush’s teachers. Later Khurgul-ool learnt the art of tale-telling from Mannay Oorzhak, a bright representative of the Western (Sut Khol) epic tradition of Tuva; he also became familiar with repertories of other local narrators, such as Sevek Ondar, Danzyn-ool Ondar, Shyyrypchyk Oorzkak and others. It is from Mannay Oorzhak that learnt over ten vast epic narratives, including Bora-Shokar Attyg Boralday considered to be a most sophisticated Tuvan epic composition.
Khurgul-ool Mongush contained over sixty heroic narratives which he recited from memory. Moreover, a great number of multi-genre fairy tales, non-fairy-tale prose texts, songs and ethnographic essays were recorded from him. Along with diverse compositions from the taleteller’s repertory, the Scientific Archive of the Tuvan Institute for Humanities Research and Applied Socio-Economic Studies stores three multitemporal recordings of Bora-Shokar Attyg Boralday made in 1967, 1980, and 1982 respectively (which is by itself a rare phenomenon in Tuvan folklore studies). In general, the epic relates about old Boralday and his seven sons ― Tevene-Moge who owns the horse named Demir-Kara, Khan-Kuchu-Maadyr who owns the horse named Saryg-Shokar, Tavyn-Maadyr who owns the horse named Saryg-Shokar, Tarys-Maadyr who owns the horse named Saryg-Shokar, Evideenek-Maadyr who owns the horse named Shan-Khüren, Ertine-Mergen who owns the horse named Arzylan-Kyskyl, and Sumee-Maadyr who owns the horse named Kalchan-Khuren ― from the cradle to the grave, sings their exploits against evil invading rulers and mythological creatures ― mangyses, heroic expeditions towards the unknown lands in search of brides accompanied by numerous obstacles, competitions, and their victorious return to the parents, wives, parents-in-law, and other relatives in ancestral lands where they are welcomed with a global feast.
The paper shows that Bora-Shokar Attyg Boralday has unique language and poetic/stylistic peculiarities that serve to express Kh. Mongush’s individual poetic patterns. Khurgul-ool Mongush was a gem in the chain of talented and original epic taletellers to have represented the Western (Sut Khol) branch of the Tuvan epic tradition. Together with the Central Asian Gesar, Jangar of the Oirats, the Altaian Maaday Kara and other Turco-Mongolian epics, the Tuvan Bora-Shokar Attyg Boralday can be well viewed as a pinnacle of Tuvan folklore.

Recent years have witnessed a rapid growth in the amount of ethnically-labeled information in Russian Internet space. Denoting this information flow as ‘national Internet’, the paper discloses the relevance of the study, proposes an original vision of the object, subject, some theoretical and methodological bases of research, possible directions of scientific analysis, and seeks to show somewhat distinctive features of the virtualization of ethnicity in Russia. Proceeding from the analysis of available studies by domestic scientists in the designated area, the original research, the work proposes a structure of the national Internet.
National Internet consists of social media and information resources which are divided into official, media and cognitive segments respectively.
Information resources include databases related to ethnicity and represented on portals of government authorities, public institutions (museums, libraries, archives), expert community sites, news media and other information systems. The ‘authors’ of such resources are political elites of Russia’s republics, journalists, as well as national activists. The national policymakers strive to use new information technologies to preserve cultures and languages of their ethnic groups. This strategy is implemented through the simultaneous use of both national and Russian languages on websites of various organizations and institutions located in the territories of the republics. One of the most popular and successful projects of activists in the development of ethnic-oriented cognitive resources is the national Wikipedia. Currently, Wikipedia is represented in 25 official languages of Russia.
Social media of the national Internet are web resources created for users’ communication ― basically representatives of one certain ethnic group. The former include blogs, microblogs, social networks, hosting, forums, virtual worlds, and dating sites. The conducted statistical analysis of three groups from VKontakte social network, together with content and discourse analyses of corresponding pages shall reveal the essence and platforms of communication within online communities formed on the basis of ethnicity of their participants.

In the modern world, migration serves as a fundamental regulator of demographic, social, economic, and ethnic processes. Still, among the current numerous and multidirectional migrations those are migrations of rural population that keep playing a significant role in the socio-economic development of certain countries. The intensity of migration processes and its directions indicate, on the one hand, different social, economic and demographic problems in the region (that lie behind such migrations), and, on the other hand, show the economic attractiveness of the host region.
The article aims to examine migration processes involving rural population of southern Russian regions. The latter ― those of the South and North Caucasus Federal Districts ― constitute the macroregion of South Russia with a prevailing share of rural population (as compared to other federal districts). Due to natural climatic conditions and traditions of native peoples, it is agriculture which is crucial to virtually all local economies.
The paper analyzes statistical data of the Russian Federal Statistics Service on the considered federal districts and examines a number of statistical indicators, such as share of urban and rural populations, general birth rates, composition of the unemployed by settlement patterns, internal village-to-city migration by source and host teritories, internal village-to-village migration by source and host teritories, etc.
Our statistical analysis shows that the larger the share of rural population gets, the larger the share of unemployed rural residents is. Village-to-village migration is 2,5 times as small as village-to-city one. The two types of migration differ economically, i. e. including in terms of economic and infrastructure attractiveness of regions / federal districts. This leads to a conclusion that migrations of rural population result in decreases in the share of rural population within the nation’s social structure, accelerate urbanization, rural depopulation, reduce and worsen the demographic potential of rural territories.
Thus, the unfolding situation of village depopulation constitutes a great problem for Russia’s agricultural regions.
In view of this, the key strategic goal of the government should be to boost employment and efficiently regulate the labor market in rural areas, which is supposed to change directions of internal labor migration. So, the paper suggests regional governments should tackle the priority tasks as follows:
creation of new (modernized) jobs in farm businesses that would facilitate a transition to innovative technologies and industrial economic patterns,
formation of policies to stimulate development of entrepreneurship, peasant farm enterprises, self-employment, and family employment patterns (household plots and consumers’ co-operatives), including measures to facilitate the integration of large and small-sized businesses,
enhancement of territorial and professional mobility of rural residents, availability of professional and supplementary training programs,
creation of conditions to attract and keep young professionals in rural territories.
The mentioned tasks also include development of non-agricultural types of activities and alternative employment patterns. As economists note, contemporary rural labor markets are constituted by the two differing employment types ― agricultural employment and alternative one, the latter experiencing the formation period nowadays. Special emphasis upon certain characteristics of territories allows to develop a viable and progressive marketfor alternative employment.

Elista: Kalmyk Institute for Humanities RAS, 2015. 195 p.